On<i>Wh</i>-questions in Persian

Kahnemuyipour, Arsalan

doi:10.1017/s000841310001793x

Cited by 47 publications

(30 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…Thus in the analysis of these types of sentences, absolutely relying on subjacency and ignoring the information factors misleads the analysis. (20) verb faryaad zadan (to shout) as a manner of speaking verb shows three cases. This type of verb can be with a complement clause, noun phrase and without a complement clause.…”

Section: Subjacency Constraintmentioning

confidence: 99%

Mixed Approach in Syntax: Evidence from Persian

Vaezi¹

2015

TPLS

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Abstract-This paper sheds new light on Persian Linguistics; meanwhile to criticize the traditional trends pushed theoretical linguistics formal approach) and applied linguistics (Functional approach 1 ) part; as well as welcome the evidence and opportunities that this mixed approach provide for bringing them together. This model of analysis will be known as a mixed model that can achieve more comprehensive responses for Persian diversities than considering each approach in isolation. They're both are vital for Persian syntactic analyses; they are complementary. Relying on each approach is misleading. The main objective is to support this claim by evidence from Persian Language. The Persian evidence shows the constraints and varieties in this language is not only originated from syntactic principles, but also they are greatly motivated by pragmatic considerations. Therefore the variety of syntactic structures such as wh-constructions, sluicing, ditransitive verbs and obligatory adjuncts can not be determined or stipulated by the absolute formal constraints. As an evidence the first group of constructions will be discussed.Index Terms-formal approach, functional approach, mixed approach, Persian language

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Section: Subjacency Constraintmentioning

confidence: 99%

Mixed Approach in Syntax: Evidence from Persian

Vaezi¹

2015

TPLS

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“…Kahnemuyipoor (2001) regards its most common position as in clause initial; however, it can appear in other positions as well:…”

Section: Sov-ordered Yes-no Questionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…(26a, c, and e) show that only those questions are grammatical in which subject wh-word is placed initially and before direct or indirect object wh-word. Kahnemuyipoor (2001) considers it as an instance of superiority effect. However, here, the reason is that both subject and predicate can be focal.…”

Section: Q: Ki Mord?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Focus Structure in Persian Interrogative Sentences: An RRG Analysis

Rezai¹,

Hooshmand²

2012

ELT

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The studies regarding information structure and its distribution in sentences are traced back to works of Prague School linguists such as Mathesius in 1920s. Recently, the issue of information structure has been dealt with by functionalists. In Role and Reference Grammar (RRG), information structure constitutes one of the main components of syntax. In this theory, information structure is mainly based on the Lambrechtiyan information structure which regards the formal structure of sentences as highly related to the discourse-pragmatic functions. Information structure investigates the way information is structured in clauses and sentences. This paper aims at dealing with information structure in interrogative sentences according to RRG. At first a brief introduction to works on information structure and RRG is presented. Then the theory is applied briefly to Persian language declaratives and dominantly to interrogatives.

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“…The weak evidence for movement comes from the position of the remnant with respect to the verb (Merchant, 2001). In Persian with SOV word order, CP arguments of the verb occur to the right (5) and the remnant in a sluice can only occur to the right of the verb (6 Merchant (2001), can be discussed under the rubric of FORM-IDENTITY-GENERALIZATIONS based on which "the remnant behave just like its non-elliptical." It should obey the usual constraints on movement if it undergoes movement to arrive at its position.…”

Section: Sluicing In Persianmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Lotfi (2003) also argues that wh phrases in Persian move to focus phrase not CP and it is a pragmatic requirement rather than a morphological one. In other words, Persian wh-phrase can optionally move to a focus position in the left periphery at spec, FP for emphasis, but there is no "wh-movement" to spec, CP (Kahnemuyipour, 2001). On the other hand, we can use complementizer ke and the remnant ki together (27).…”

Section: Nishigauchi (1998) IV Syntax Of Wh-fronting In Persian and mentioning

confidence: 99%

Single and Multiple Sluicing in Persian

Nahrkhalaji

Ashjerdi

2012

TPLS

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Abstract-This article discusses the syntax and LF properties of the phenomenon of sluicing as ellipsis of the sentential complement to an interrogative complementizer hosting a wh-phrase in Persian. The main purpose of this paper is to explore sluicing in Persian as a real wh-in-situe language that displays optional whmovement, with a special focus on multiple sluicing. Built on focus movement analysis rather than whmovement, we examined the movement-plus-deletion approach and the role of focus fronting in moving the remnant out of the deleted constituent in Persian sluicing to a position where it can be stranded. Finally, we also looked into possibility of non-interrogative sluicing and non-d-linked wh words and briefly put forward our proposition about wh the hell phrases in Persian. "Ali bought something, I don"t know what." Persian The interrogative phrase is remnant. The deleted TP is the target. The TP to which the target clause is identical is called antecedent. The constituent that corresponds to the remnant is correlate. The remnant and the target compromise the sluice. Similarly in Persian we have as the remnant, as the target, as the antecedent, as the correlate and as the sluice. Looking at these examples, sluicing in Persian seems to be identical on the surface to sluices in English. IndexWithin structural approaches to the syntax of elliptical structures, there are two main lines of investigations: 1. One strand of research, presented by Lobeck (1995) and Ludlow (2005), posits a plethora of null elements (3.b) or a single null element (3.a) replaced by some operation of structure copying at some level of representation (LF-copy) or interpreted in some semantic or pragmatic component (null-anaphora) (3.c).3 The other line of investigations posits syntactic structure subject to some kind of deletion (FL-deletion). This approach ranges from the traditional theory of Ross to more recent proposal of E-feature by Merchant (2001). Lasnik (2005) reappraise Ross"s analysis in a minimalist setting. Under this wh-movement + deletion approach, the syntax of an ellipsis site is just the same as the syntax of its non-elliptical counterpart, but subject to some kind of operation which leads to non-pronunciation. Ross (1969) assumes that the wh-phrase has been moved from its usual position to the beginning of the clause, to Spec CP out of the missing TP. This operation which is triggered by the usual mechanism of wh-movement in questions is then followed by phonetic deletion of the rest of the clause. Merchant (2001) assumes that the ellipsis of TP or PF deletion is licensed by the presence of a triggering feature on a head called E, rather being the result of a freely operating deletion which is also active in other elliptical constructions.E localizes ellipsis identification and enables us to postulate "a global, late, well-formedness condition" imposed just on the structures containing ellip...

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OnWh-questions in Persian

Cited by 47 publications

References 7 publications

Mixed Approach in Syntax: Evidence from Persian

Mixed Approach in Syntax: Evidence from Persian

Focus Structure in Persian Interrogative Sentences: An RRG Analysis

Single and Multiple Sluicing in Persian

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