On Icelandic Word Order Once More

Rögnvaldsson, Eiríkur; Þráinsson, Höskuldur

doi:10.1163/9789004373235_002

Cited by 111 publications

(32 citation statements)

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“…The (c) examples show that ex ple tive in sert ion is not always an alternative to SF. Ex ample (49b) features SF-like movement of an XP within an em bedd ed clause which has a subject gap, but such examples have sometimes been analyzed as SF and some times as Embedded Top icaliza tion (ET) (see dis cuss ions in Rögn valdsson and Thráinsson 1990, Jónsson 1991, Holmberg 2000, 2006, Hrafn bjargar son 2004, and Thráinsson 2007. Angantýsson (2017) shows that there are interesting similarities and differences be t ween SF and related constructions in Ice landic and in Faroese.…”

Section: Stylistic Fronting In Main Clauses In the Insular Scandinavimentioning

confidence: 99%

Stylistic fronting and verb placement in main clauses in Insular Scandinavian / Stílførsla og sagnorðspláss í høvuðssetningum í íslendskum og føroyskum

Angantýsson

2020

Frit

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Abstract The goal of this paper is twofold. On the one hand, it provides an overview of V1 (verb-first), V2 (verb-second), and V3 (verb-third) constructions in main clauses in Icelandic and Faroese, and it seeks to explore to what extent the two closely related languages behave the same way in that resepect. The data presented here support the idea that Icelandic and Faroese have similar conditions with respect to the possibility of V1 and V3. However, some interesting exceptions are pointed out, in particular regarding the fronting of negative objects in Faroese (V3). On the other hand, special attention is given to the possibility of Stylistic Fronting (SF) as a matrix V2-phenomenon in the Insular Scandinavian languages. It has been claimed that SF is more restricted in embedded clauses in Faroese than it is in Icelandic, suggesting that Faroese is evolving in the direction of the Mainland Scandinavian languages, where SF has all but disappeared. Based on that, one might expect that SF is also on its way out in main clauses. The comparison of stylistically fronted elements of various kinds conducted in this study shows that both languages obey similar restrictions. However, certain SF-constructions are much more restricted in Faroese than in Icelandic. Úrtak Endamálið við hesi grein er tvíbýtt. Øðrumegin er tað at útvega eitt yvirlit yvir setningsgerðir við S1 (sagnorð-eitt), S2 (sagnorð-tvey) og S3 (sagnorð-trý) í høvuðssetningum í íslendskum og føroyskum, og roynt verður at kanna, í hvussu stóran mun tey bæði nær skyldu málini bera seg at á sama hátt í hesum sambandi. Dáturnar, ið verða lagdar fram her, stuðla hugsanini, at íslendskt og føroyskt hava líkar setningsgerðir við atliti at møguleikum fyri S1 og S3. Hinvegin verður víst á nøkur áhugaverd undantøk, serliga í sambandi við at hava negativ ávirki fremst í føroyskum (S3). Hinumegin verður serliga hugt at møguleikum fyri stílførslu sum S2-fyribrigdi í høvuðssetningum í íslendskum og føroyskum. Ført hevur verið fram, at stílførsla er meira avmarkað í eykasetningum í føroyskum enn hon er í íslendskum. Tað skuldi tí bent á, at føroyskt mennir seg sama veg sum danskt, norskt og svenskt, har ið stílførsla er um at vera púra burtur. Við støði í tí skuldi væntast, at stílførsla eisini er á veg út í høvuðssetningum. Samanberingar av stílførdum eindum av ymsum slag fremst í setningi, sum eru gjørdar í hesi kanning, vísa, at bæði málini geva seg undir avmarkingar av sama slag. Tó eru ávísar setningsgerðir við stílførslu munandi meira avmarkaðar í føroyskum enn í íslendskum.

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Section: Stylistic Fronting In Main Clauses In the Insular Scandinavimentioning

confidence: 99%

Stylistic fronting and verb placement in main clauses in Insular Scandinavian / Stílførsla og sagnorðspláss í høvuðssetningum í íslendskum og føroyskum

Angantýsson

2020

Frit

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“…(1) Den Mann hat der Hund gebissen the.ACC man.ACC has the.NOM dog.NOM bitten 'The dog has bitten the man.' The symmetric V2 languages have for the most part been analysed as involving the finite verb in I 0 in both main and subordinate clauses: see Diesing (1990) on Yiddish and Rögnvaldsson and Thráinsson (1990) on Icelandic. When it comes to the asymmetric languages, however, the main question has been how to derive the contrast between clause types without stipulation.…”

Section: Definitionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Diagnosing embedded V2 in Old English and Old French

Salvesen¹,

Walkden²

2017

Micro-Change and Macro-Change in Diachronic Syntax

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Old English (OE) and Old French (OF) both display verb-second (V2) word order in main declarative clauses. Different models may account for V2: (a) the finite verb must move to a head in the CP field; (b) it must remain in the IP field; or (c) it moves to the left periphery only when the preceding XP is not a subject. While the IP-model should allow free embedded V2, the two others would either exclude completely or strongly limit the possibilty of having embedded V2. We select embedded that-clauses and analyse the word order with respect to the matrix verb: embedded V2 is possible in both OE and OF, although the availability of this structure is restricted. OE has very few occurrences of embedded V2, whereas OF seems to permit this construction more freely. We link this difference to the site of first Merge of complementizers in the two languages.

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“…Consequently, non-finite main verbs follow medial adverbs, whereas finite main verbs precede them; compare the order han jo genkendt (= SUBJ ADV V) in (2) to kom de sjaeldent (= V SUBJ ADV) in (3). This much is relatively uncontroversial, though see Diesing 1990, Reinholtz 1990, and Rögnvaldsson & Thráinsson 1990 for dissenting views. Issues under active debate include the possible function and causes of V2 order (see e.g.…”

Section: Verb-second Order and Danish Clause Structurementioning

confidence: 99%

VP anaphora and verb-second order in Danish

Mikkelsen

2015

J. Ling.

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This paper argues that Danish verb-second clauses have two structural instantiations and that each structure is associated with distinct information-structural properties. Information-structurally undifferentiated V2 clauses are realized as TPs, whereas information-structurally differentiated V2 clauses are CPs. The evidence for this correlation comes from the behavior of the overt VP anaphor det, which exhibits a complex, but principled, positioning pattern in V2 clauses. I develop a feature-driven analysis of V2 clauses that accounts for previously unnoticed restrictions on the initial position in declarative V2 clauses.

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On Icelandic Word Order Once More

Cited by 111 publications

References 0 publications

Stylistic fronting and verb placement in main clauses in Insular Scandinavian / Stílførsla og sagnorðspláss í høvuðssetningum í íslendskum og føroyskum

Stylistic fronting and verb placement in main clauses in Insular Scandinavian / Stílførsla og sagnorðspláss í høvuðssetningum í íslendskum og føroyskum

Diagnosing embedded V2 in Old English and Old French

VP anaphora and verb-second order in Danish

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