On inherent inflection feeding derivation in Polish

Cetnarowska, Bożena

doi:10.1007/978-94-017-3722-7_7

Cited by 17 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…In Russian, there are four types of adjectival participles, which can be cross-classified by two oppositions, active/passive and present/past (see, e.g., Isačenko 1962;Švedova 1970Schoorlemmer 1995;Borik 2002); consider table 1 with participles derived from the verb Polish also has four types of participles, two adjectival participles -active ącyparticiples and passive ny-/ty-participles -and two adverbial participles, anterior wszy/łszyparticiples and simultaneous ąc-participles (e.g. Damborský 1967a,b;Weiß 1977;Grzegorczykowa, Laskowski & Wróbel 1984;Cetnarowska 2000Cetnarowska , 2001Tokarski 2001). The distinction between anterior and simultaneous participles corresponds to the opposition past/present in table 1 and to the aspectual opposition perfective/imperfective (in fact, the distinction is based on relative tenses (i.e.…”

Section: Participles In Russian Polish and Czechmentioning

confidence: 99%

Prepositions, Case and Verbal Prefixes

Biskup

2019

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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Introduction 2 Verbal prefixes 2.1 R Russian SK Slovak SL Slovenian US Upper Sorbian 'become ill' 'start running' (2) a. prze-robić b. prze-pisać overdo over-write 'rework' 'rewrite' (3) a. na-begat'sja b. na-laufati se c. na-běhat se on-run.self on-run self on-run self all mean: 'come to have one's fill of running' Compositional (spatial) lexically prefixed verbs are cases like the Serbo-Croatian nabàcati in (4a), the Old Church Slavonic naiti in (4b) and the Polish namalować in (4c). Consider also the Russian vpisat' in (5a), the Czech vnést in (5b) and the Slovak vliať in (5c). (4) a. na-bàcati b. na-iti c. na-malować on-throw on-walk on-paint 'throw sth. on sth.' 'walk on sth.' 'paint sth. on sth.' ('find') (5) a. v-pisat' b. v-nést c. v-liať in-write in-carry in-pour 'write sth. in sth.' 'carry sth. in sth.' 'pour sth. into sth.' The examples show that the superlexical prefixes in (1)-(3) and lexical prefixes in (4) and (5) behave consistently and that the meaning of the prefixed verbs is composed of the meaning of the verb and the meaning of the prefix/preposition. In contrast, the changes induced by lexical 'carry' 'carrying' (8) a. pis-a-ć b. pis-m-o write-TH-INF write-NMLZ-NOM.SG.N 'write' 'writing, magazine' (9) a. běl-at b. běl-it white-TH-INF white-TH-INF 'become white' 'make white' 'he/she/it will swim in sth. / swim out of sth. / swim away from sth. / swim to sth. / 'become ill one after another' 'alter/redo one after another' c. po-roz-děl-á-va-t po-apart-do-TH-SI-INF 'disassemble one after another' The fact that superlexical prefixes have an adverbial meaning and can scope over the secondary imperfective suffix is the reason why some researchers propose that superlexical prefixes are generated in or above the aspectual phrase. 5 Note, however, that superlexical prefixes could, in fact, also merge lower in the verbal structure-being an overt reflection of some higher operator-and later move. It is a well-known fact that it is necessary to distinguish between lexical aspect and

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Section: Participles In Russian Polish and Czechmentioning

confidence: 99%

Prepositions, Case and Verbal Prefixes

Biskup

2019

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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“…But if adverbial -ly is treated as inflectional then this fact forms part of the much larger, though not uncontroversial, generalisation whereby regular inflection cannot occur inside lexemes but is confined to their margins (Kiparsky 1982;Rainer 1996;Cetnarowska 2001). Adverb-forming -ly also cannot be followed by inflectional suffixes: recall * nicelier, * slowliest (and again contrast non-ly adverbs and non-adverbial -ly: sooner and manlier).…”

Section: Confinement To the Margins Of Lexemesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…But if adverbial - ly is treated as inflectional then this fact forms part of the much larger, though not uncontroversial, generalisation whereby regular inflection cannot occur inside lexemes but is confined to their margins (Kiparsky 1982; Rainer 1996; Cetnarowska 2001). Thus, *eventsful , *peersless , *watches-maker , *rats-infested are ill-formed despite the fact that the embedded plural forms may be semantically warranted, while lexemes containing irregular inflection, such as headlice-repellent , mice-infested , are well-formed.…”

Section: Further Morphological Aspects Of the Inflection-like Behaviomentioning

confidence: 99%

The morphology of -lyand the categorial status of ‘adverbs’ in English

Giegerich

2012

English Language and Linguistics

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I argue in this article that adverb-forming -ly, unlike its adjective-forming counterpart, is an inflectional suffix, that therefore adverbs containing -ly are inflected adjectives and that, consequently, adverbs not containing -ly are uninflected adjectives. I demonstrate that in English, the traditional category Adverb is morphologically non-distinct from the category Adjective in that it has no morphology of its own but instead shares all relevant aspects of the morphology of adjectives. I demonstrate moreover that such an analysis explains various aspects of morphological and phonological behaviour on the part of adverbial -ly which differ from the behaviour of adjectival -ly and/or from the behaviour of derivational suffixes. And I argue that contrary to a recent claim, the syntactic behaviour of adverbs presents no obstacle to the single-category analysis of adjectives and adverbs warranted by the morphology.

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On the Root-Based Lexicon for Polish

Rabiega-Wiśniewska

2009

Aspects of Natural Language Processing

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On inherent inflection feeding derivation in Polish

Cited by 17 publications

References 12 publications

Prepositions, Case and Verbal Prefixes

Prepositions, Case and Verbal Prefixes

The morphology of -lyand the categorial status of ‘adverbs’ in English

On the Root-Based Lexicon for Polish

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