On the analysis and implications of Maori verb alternations

Sanders, Gerald A.

doi:10.1016/0024-3841(90)90019-h

Cited by 24 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 3 publications

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“…4 Allomorphy: The Maori Passive (31) Previous works: Williams (1864), Biggs (1961), Hohepa (1967, Hale (1968Hale ( , 1973Hale ( , 1991, Kiparsky (1971), Hyman (1975), Kenstowicz & Kisseberth (1977), McCarthy (1981), Kawasaki (1990), Sanders (1990Sanders ( , 1991, Harlow (1991), Bauer (1993Bauer ( , 1997, Blevins (1994), Keegan (1996), Kibre (1998).…”

Section: Max-ω Restrictions In Maorimentioning

confidence: 99%

Maximal Words and the Maori Passive

Lacy¹

2004

Optimality Theory in Phonology

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Section: Max-ω Restrictions In Maorimentioning

confidence: 99%

Maximal Words and the Maori Passive

Lacy¹

2004

Optimality Theory in Phonology

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“…In the case of Maori, the first part of this claim seems to be true Sanders (1990). found that over 70% of Maori verbs take either -a or -tia in the passive, and the choice of -a vs. -tia is itself somewhat predictable(Blevins 1994;de Lacy 2003).…”

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confidence: 99%

7 Explaining Universal Tendencies and Language Particulars in Analogical Change

Albright¹

2008

Linguistic Universals and Language Change

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This chapter shows that a confidence-based model can make correct predictions not only about individual cases, but also about the typology of analogical change. The chapter is organized as follows: first, it provides a brief overview of tendency-based vs. structurally-based approaches to analogical change, summarizing the major generalizations that have been uncovered, and situating the current work in an area that has been approached from radically different perspectives. It then presents an overview of the synchronic model developed by Albright (2002a). It shows how the synchronic confidence-based approach can explain the direction of analogy in individual cases, and then moves on to explore its typological implications. It considers first some apparent counter-examples to the confidence-based approach, showing that in at least some cases where analogy has seemingly favoured an uninformative member of the paradigm, that form is not nearly as uninformative as it might appear. An exploration of the parameter space of the model reveals that even without an explicit bias to select more frequent forms, they are nonetheless selected as bases under most conditions.

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“…The Māori passive is perhaps the most famous problem in Polynesian linguistics. It has received attention from Williams (1971Williams ( , first published in 1844, Biggs (1961), Hohepa (1967), Hale (1968;1973;, Kiparsky (1971), Kaye (1975), Kenstowicz and Kisseberth (1979), McCarthy (1981), Moorfield (1988), Sanders (1990;, Harlow (1991;2001;2007), Bauer (1993), Blevins (1994), Kibre (1998), de Lacy (2004, and Boyce (2006). Some representative examples of active and passive verbs are given in Table 1 (Ryan, 1989).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phonotactic probability and the Māori passive

Jones

2008

Proceedings of the Tenth Meeting of ACL Special Interest Group on Computational Morphology and Phonology - SigMorPhon '08

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Two analyses of Māori passives and gerunds have been debated in the literature. Both assume that the thematic consonants in these forms are unpredictable. This paper reports on three computational experiments designed to test whether this assumption is sound. The results suggest that thematic consonants are predictable from the phonotactic probabilities of their active counterparts. This study has potential implications for allomorphy in other Polynesian languages. It also exemplifies the benefits of using computational methods in linguistic analyses.

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On the analysis and implications of Maori verb alternations

Cited by 24 publications

References 3 publications

Maximal Words and the Maori Passive

Maximal Words and the Maori Passive

7 Explaining Universal Tendencies and Language Particulars in Analogical Change

Phonotactic probability and the Māori passive

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