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The basic character and historic role of Islam, Germany, socialism, and the Republican Party are widely debated by men and women who are not Muslims, not Germans, not socialists, and not Republicans. Christianity is different. Professing Christians have a remarkably tight hold on academic as well as popular understandings of what contemporary Christianity is. Even Christianity's critics usually speak within a frame offered by people who identify with it. Yet this religion is too extensive and consequential a presence in today's world to be understood only in the terms set by insiders. Even to call the Christian project a "religion" flatters the self-conception of its apologists and immediately structures any analysis of it. A world-historical event now in progress challenges the assumptions of this insider-dominated discussion and creates new openings for outsiders as well as insiders. The rapid growth in the global South of a great variety of religious practices claiming biblical warrant makes it harder to agree on the boundaries of Christianity and its role in contemporary life. "Christians of the Global South have forced Americans," writes Molly Worthen, "to confront" coreligionists who "care more about warding off witches or insuring the fate of unbaptized ancestors than in combating the fiends of secularism." 1 Many Christians in Lagos and São Paolo * For helpful comments on a draft of this essay, I thank Jon Butler, Carol Clover, Peter
The basic character and historic role of Islam, Germany, socialism, and the Republican Party are widely debated by men and women who are not Muslims, not Germans, not socialists, and not Republicans. Christianity is different. Professing Christians have a remarkably tight hold on academic as well as popular understandings of what contemporary Christianity is. Even Christianity's critics usually speak within a frame offered by people who identify with it. Yet this religion is too extensive and consequential a presence in today's world to be understood only in the terms set by insiders. Even to call the Christian project a "religion" flatters the self-conception of its apologists and immediately structures any analysis of it. A world-historical event now in progress challenges the assumptions of this insider-dominated discussion and creates new openings for outsiders as well as insiders. The rapid growth in the global South of a great variety of religious practices claiming biblical warrant makes it harder to agree on the boundaries of Christianity and its role in contemporary life. "Christians of the Global South have forced Americans," writes Molly Worthen, "to confront" coreligionists who "care more about warding off witches or insuring the fate of unbaptized ancestors than in combating the fiends of secularism." 1 Many Christians in Lagos and São Paolo * For helpful comments on a draft of this essay, I thank Jon Butler, Carol Clover, Peter
This contribution responds to Saba Mahmood’s critique of secularism and uses it for theory development in liberal political philosophy. Building on the work of Rahel Jaeggi I reconstruct selected parts of Mahmood’s works as an immanent critique of secularism as a form of life. I argue that liberal egalitarian political philosophical approaches to religious difference should broaden the focus of social critique. Beyond – but not instead of – formal regulations such as constitutional law and religious accommodation, political philosophy needs to address what Mahmood calls “ethical sensibilities”, and informal social practices and conventions. My considerations are informed by an exploration of the refusal of some pious Muslims to shake hands with someone of the opposite sex, and controversies about this issue in Western-European countries.
Deux constats sont à l’origine de ce livre. D’une part, le débat qui agite depuis plusieurs années le monde académique autour du lien entre religions, sciences et espace public semble s’être fixé sur l’idée de « post-sécularité ». Or, sous couvert de rendre les sociétés plus hospitalières aux religions, cette idée profite essentiellement à des courants politico-religieux absolutistes et fondamentalistes. D’autre part, la solide expertise francophone qui s’est développée depuis les années 2000 sur le philosophe américain John Dewey (1859-1952) néglige trop souvent ses nombreux écrits consacrés à la critique des religions. Joan Stavo-Debauge retrace donc la généalogie de l’idée de « post-sécularité » et détaille les méfaits qu’elle peut masquer, comme les mobilisations contre l’avortement, les droits des personnes LGBT, l’expertise scientifique ou encore les politiques écologiques. Il s’appuie ensuite sur les écrits de John Dewey pour remettre au jour la pleine puissance de sa critique des religions fondée sur une pensée naturaliste et pragmatiste et la présenter comme un antidote efficace aux fondamentalismes religieux.
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