On the justification of intergroup violence: The roles of procedural justice, police legitimacy, and group identity in attitudes toward violence among indigenous people.

Gerber, Mónica M.; González, Roberto; Carvacho, Héctor; Jiménez-Moya, Gloria; Moya, Cristóbal; Jackson, Jonathan

doi:10.1037/vio0000177

Cited by 44 publications

(62 citation statements)

References 62 publications

(127 reference statements)

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“…First, it has included public opinion as a factor that people may consider when supporting protesters' violence. This suggests that to understand protest violence, what other people think about protests should be considered alongside other aspects described in psychological research on collective action such as the efficacy of alternative actions (e.g., Saab et al, 2016), perceived police legitimacy (e.g., Gerber et al, 2018), corruption perceptions (e.g., , and the potential damage to the public image of high status groups (e.g., Teixeira, Spears, & Yzerbyt, 2019).…”

Section: Public Opinion and Non-participants' Support For Protest Viomentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond peaceful protest: When non-participants support violence against the police

Saavedra¹,

Drury²

2019

Preprint

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One of the most controversial issues related to protests is the use of violence by protesters. Although there is a strong social norm against protest violence, research has suggested that protesters’ endorsement of non-violent actions can change according to the legitimacy of police actions during protests. However, both non-participants’ support for protest violence and its relationship with authorities’ measures regarding protests have barely been studied. To address this, we interviewed 17 British undergraduate students with diverse previous experiences as protesters about their views on protest violence. For the interviews, we used vignettes to describe two fictional scenarios, one where the government and the police actively restrict the right to protest and another where authorities facilitate protesters’ actions. A thematic analysis incorporating elements from the ideological dilemmas approach was carried out to explore the range of arguments related to protest violence. We found that most participants articulated a variety of expressions that made up a recognisable cultural pattern: protest should be peaceful. However, when participants perceived that ‘the right to protest’ was threatened by state repression, those who earlier rejected protest violence argued that they would support the use of violence against the police as ‘self-defence’. Our findings suggest there are pervasive frameworks for interpreting and responding to real contexts of political openness and repression, and reflective of people’s ability to simultaneously hold contradictory views about the legitimacy of protest violence.

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Section: Public Opinion and Non-participants' Support For Protest Viomentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond peaceful protest: When non-participants support violence against the police

Saavedra¹,

Drury²

2019

Preprint

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“…An example of this are the anti-immigrant laws that have been accompanied by an increase in violence and hate crimes against immigrants by private citizens (see Flores, 2017). In a similar vein, previous research in Chile has shown that ethnic minorities that perceive low levels of procedural justice in the treatment they receive from police officers tend to increase their approval for violent ways to regain access to land and other benefits (Gerber et al, 2018). Therefore, insisting on policies that increase the authority and resources of law enforcement agencies or the penal system at the expense of policies that target the social causes of crime could serve as validation not only for the use of police violence as social control, but for the use of punitive police violence.…”

Section: Prevention and Policy Implicationsmentioning

confidence: 93%

“…Since Chile's independence, Mapuche people have seen their land reduced and have been confined to small reservations. The long political conflict between the Chilean state and Mapuche communities has steadily escalated since the 1990s, with Mapuche lands being constantly occupied by a heavily militarized police force (see Gerber et al, 2018). The use of excessive force is particularly evident, with several killings during the last years and many reports of violence against children prompting varying levels of social outrage.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Police violence as punishment: Does excessive use of force serve to punish those who threaten status and power hierarchies in society?

Mm¹,

Puga²,

Moya³

et al. 2021

Preprint

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ObjectivesWhy do some people view excessive police violence as acceptable? We reason that excessive police violence not only seeks to control crime, but also to punish criminal offenders. We propose the concept of police violence for punishment and explore its associations with different forms of punishment and punishment motivations. We reason that some people support excessive police violence to reinforce status and power hierarchies with minority groups. MethodWe draw on data from a representative sample of adults living in Chile conducted in 2015 (n=1,302). We use structural equation models to predict support for police violence for punishment, legal and extra-legal violence.ResultsPolice violence for punishment was strongly related to support for extra-legal punishment. Punitive police violence and extra-legal punishment were both predicted by the motivation to restore status and power relationships, followed by deterrence. In contrast, norm restoration was the main predictor of legal punishment. Police violence for punishment was significantly less supported by ethnic minority members. ConclusionsWe conclude that police excessive use of force can usefully be understood as police violence as punishment. We discuss the extent to which police repression is perceived to restore status and power hierarchies threatened by crime. We conclude that reducing police violence requires a political and cultural process well beyond reforming police protocols and procedures. Working towards more horizontal relations between police officers, citizens and minority groups should reduce perceived needs to restore power and status relationships, hereby reducing support for police violence as punishment.

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“…In line with the latter, Jackson, Huq, Bradford, and Tyler (2013) developed the trust in police procedural justice scale to evaluate if police treatment and decisionmaking are perceived as fair, impartial, and adjusted to the law (see Gau, 2014, for a review). Subsequent research has demonstrated that higher levels of trust in the procedures carried out by the police are positively associated with the legitimacy given to them (Gau, 2014;Hough, Jackson, Bradford, Myhill, & Quinton, 2010;Jackson et al, 2013;Sunshine & Tyler, 2003), compliance with authorities (Bradford, Hohl, Jackson, & MacQueen, 2015), and the support for the use of violence by the police in a context of intergroup conflict (Gerber et al, 2018).…”

Section: Trust In Police Procedural Justicementioning

confidence: 99%

Including political context in the psychological analysis of collective action: Development and validation of a measurement scale for subjective political openness

Saavedra

Drury

2019

J. Soc. Polit. Psych.

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Sociological and Political Science research has argued that political conditions affect both the occurrence of protests and the actions protesters choose. However, an approach that considers people’s perceptions on these conditions is still absent in the social psychological literature. Subjective Political Openness (SPO) is a new construct which fills this gap by incorporating features of political context into the psychological analysis of protests. We propose that SPO comprises perceptions relating to three dimensions: government actions to allow/restrict protests, police measures to actively prevent them, and the extent that public opinion legitimizes protests. We conducted two studies in the UK and Chile to validate scales created for each proposed dimension, test their measurement invariance, establish SPO’s configuration, and demonstrate its convergent validity. Participants in Study 1 were university students (n UK = 203; n Chile = 237), whereas in Study 2 a general population sample from both countries was included (n UK = 377; n Chile = 309) with the purpose of generalizing the results. Both studies consistently showed that SPO is a multidimensional construct configured as a bifactor model comprising the dimensions associated with perceptions of the government and police actions to confront protests. Although we tested two different measurement scales for the perceived legitimacy given by public opinion to protests, results demonstrated this dimension is not part of SPO. The SPO configuration has implications for both our understanding of collective action and how we study it.

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On the justification of intergroup violence: The roles of procedural justice, police legitimacy, and group identity in attitudes toward violence among indigenous people.

Abstract: On the justification of intergroup violence: The roles of procedural justice, police legitimacy and group identity in attitudes towards violence among indigenous people

Cited by 44 publications

References 62 publications

Beyond peaceful protest: When non-participants support violence against the police

Beyond peaceful protest: When non-participants support violence against the police

Police violence as punishment: Does excessive use of force serve to punish those who threaten status and power hierarchies in society?

Including political context in the psychological analysis of collective action: Development and validation of a measurement scale for subjective political openness

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