2010
DOI: 10.1515/9781400828975
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On the Side of the Angels

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Cited by 83 publications
(11 citation statements)
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“…46 Seyla Benhabib and Rainer Forst also emphasise the importance of political agency in linking justice and transnational democracy, and mention legislative and executive institutions, human rights organisations, social movements and pro-immigration campaigns as relevant sites of democratic will-formation contributing to reshaping the people. 47 Yet they are vague on what distinguishes these agents from each other, how and why they contribute to the enactment of popular sovereignty, and how they differ from interest groups, transnational corporations, or business lobbies. Though scholars in this tradition note the importance of identifying genuine justification (or communicative freedom) by recourse to certain formal preconditions imposing constraints on the kinds of reason exchanged (e.g., the equality of discursive agents, their symmetrical entitlement to speech acts and the reciprocity of communicative roles), they seldom extend this reflection to the agents appropriate to channelling such reasons in institutional discourse.…”
Section: The People As Partisan Processmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…46 Seyla Benhabib and Rainer Forst also emphasise the importance of political agency in linking justice and transnational democracy, and mention legislative and executive institutions, human rights organisations, social movements and pro-immigration campaigns as relevant sites of democratic will-formation contributing to reshaping the people. 47 Yet they are vague on what distinguishes these agents from each other, how and why they contribute to the enactment of popular sovereignty, and how they differ from interest groups, transnational corporations, or business lobbies. Though scholars in this tradition note the importance of identifying genuine justification (or communicative freedom) by recourse to certain formal preconditions imposing constraints on the kinds of reason exchanged (e.g., the equality of discursive agents, their symmetrical entitlement to speech acts and the reciprocity of communicative roles), they seldom extend this reflection to the agents appropriate to channelling such reasons in institutional discourse.…”
Section: The People As Partisan Processmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet if partisanship within the Mexicanborn community were largely or exclusively "negative," troubling normative implications could be raised. For the general public, affirming positive connections to a major party can orient individuals toward the political system in a constructive manner, provide a basis for interpreting policy issues and evaluating government performance, and offer a framework for collective political action (Green et al 2002;Huddy, Mason, and Aaroe 2015;Lewis-Beck et al 2008;Muirhead 2014;Rosenblum 2008). The noteworthy rise of positive partisanship for Mexican immigrants during major national campaign cycles can thus be taken as a welcome harbinger of democratic inclusion (Lewis-Beck and Stegmaier 2016; Rosenblum and Tivig 2014;Sears, Danbold, and Zavala 2016).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…29 In her analysis of the forms of anti-party-ism, Nancy Rosenblum demonstrates that no matter their professed animosity against parties, in effect old and new anti-party-ists are in all respect partisans, radical partisans of one and only one form of party, the one that is capable of defeating the party system and saving the only 'good' party around. 30 Canvassing against a corrupt and impermeable political system, Hugo Chávez entered politics by creating his own social movement, in the form of 'Bolivarian committees' and diverse civic groups, which developed proposals for constitutional reforms. But once he was in power, he gradually embodied those movements within the state, thereby making his 'anti-party' into a holistic project that solidified in a new institutional order.…”
Section: Anti-party-ism Holism and The Logic Of Populismmentioning
confidence: 99%