On the syntactic category of pronouns and agreement

Ritter, Elizabeth

doi:10.1007/bf00992737

Cited by 174 publications

(95 citation statements)

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“…But there does seem to be evidence that number and type are contributed by different syntactic constituents within a noun phrase. This distinction is reflected in formal linguistic systems (Ritter 1988(Ritter , 1995Zamparelli 2000).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 97%

A model of cardinality blindness in inferotemporal cortex

2008

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A classifier is cardinality invariant if it can classify more than one token of a single type at a time. We present a convolutional neural network (CNN) model of inferotemporal cortex (IT) and show that it is cardinality invariant. While the CNN is designed with translation invariance in mind, cardinality invariance is an emergent property. We speculate that translation invariance may lead to cardinality invariance in general, and particularly in IT. Recent investigations have shown that cells in IT are indeed cardinality blind. We also explore the implications of a cardinality blind classifier for vision overall, concentrating on visual attention and search.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 97%

A model of cardinality blindness in inferotemporal cortex

2008

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“…(28) Agreement triggered by a dual noun a. asor-ájim tov-im, *tov-ájim/-a/-ø decade-dual good-pl 'a good couple of decades' b. stir-ot-ájim tov-ot, *tov-ot-ájim/-ájim/-im/-a/-ø slap-fm.pl-dual good-fm.pl 'a good couple of slaps' Ritter (1995) provides a structure for the old duals of group III which involves the num head carrying the features [dual] and [plural]. The former is exponed by -áj-, the latter unsurprisingly by -im, and together they are realized [áim].…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The former is exponed by -áj-, the latter unsurprisingly by -im, and together they are realized [áim]. Because of the triggering of plural agreement and the consistent appearance of -im in the dual suffix, I will adopt Ritter's (1995) view of the complexity of the suffix áj-im. However, I do not agree with Another option is to view -aj-as a realization of the nominal head in the context of [plural], as represented in (29a).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Exponence, allomorphy and haplology in the number and State morphology of Modern Hebrew

Faust

2018

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper provides an account of the regularities of plural exponence in Modern Hebrew. There are two genders in Modern Hebrew, each with its specific plural marker. Nouns can appear in the Construct or Free states, and the State of a noun also has an effect on the plural marking, though only in the case of masculine nouns. Finally, in nouns with possessive suffixes and in newly-formed dual nouns, plural number seems to be marked twice in the feminine noun, but only once in the masculine noun. The analysis first formalizes the distribution of the plural allomorphs of gender and State in the language using the Vocabulary Items of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993). It is then claimed that the morpho-syntactic structures of N+possessive and of new duals involve two number projections, and therefore two plural exponents are expected in both constructions. However, in the masculine case the vocabulary Items provided in the paper result in the repetition of two overly similar exponents, creating an OCP violation. The repair is to delete one of the two, and so the double marking does not survive in the phonetic form. In the feminine case the two markers are not similar, and so there is no OCP violation, and double marking is surface-true.

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“…Cependant, puisque les données (2)-(6) montrent que les marqueurs de spécificité et de nombre ne sont pas en distribution complémentaire et n'occupent donc pas la même position, nous supposons, à la suite de Ritter (1995) une analyse en termes de 'D-éclaté' où les marqueurs de spécificité réalisent la position D°et le marqueur de nombre la position Num°3. Cependant, à la différence de Ritter et des travaux subséquents, nous proposons que l'articulation D°-Num°représente la PGN (Aboh 1999 st la position la plus haute de la périphérie gauche.…”

Section: La Périphérie Gauche Nominale (Pgn)unclassified

La morphosyntaxe de la périphérie gauche nominale

Aboh¹

2002

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Référence électroniqueRÉSUMÉ Cet article développe une analyse de la périphérie gauche nominale (PGN) éclatée où les traits de spécificité et de nombre sont les propriétés de projections fonctionnelles distinctes. Le DP représente la projection la plus haute du système. C'est l'interface entre l'univers du discours et l'expression nominale où est réalisé le trait discursif [±spécifique]. En revanche, NumP constitue la projection la plus basse du système et sert de charnière entre le système D et le système flexionnel nominal. C'est le point d'ancrage du trait de nombre et du trait référentiel [±défini] qui est repris au sein du système flexionnel (ΣP). Selon cette approche, nous proposons que l'interprétation spécifique est un effet sémantique qui découle du mouvement de ΣP vers la PGN, c'est-à-dire vers SpecNumP et SpecDP. De même, nous montrons que, dans les DP possessifs, le possédé ne peut être interprété comme spécifique que si l'ensemble de la structure prédicative incluant le possesseur et le possédé monte vers la PGN. En supposant que les phrases relatives manifestent une structure de complémentation où le système D projette audessus du CP, nous concluons que le groupe nominal relativisé est interprété comme spécifique lorsque la proposition relative monte vers la PGN en syntaxe. À la différence des relatives, les factives ne possèdent pas de système D. Ces syntagmes réalisent un CP dont la position SpecCP est occupée par un DP complet. MOTS-CLÉSSystème PGN éclaté, mouvement de la projection flexionnelle (ΣP), interprétation spécifique, DP possessif, construction relative, construction factive, langues Gbe.

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On the syntactic category of pronouns and agreement

Cited by 174 publications

References 6 publications

A model of cardinality blindness in inferotemporal cortex

A model of cardinality blindness in inferotemporal cortex

Exponence, allomorphy and haplology in the number and State morphology of Modern Hebrew

La morphosyntaxe de la périphérie gauche nominale

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