Opaque Allomorph Selection in Japanese and Harmonic Serialism: A Reply to Kurisu 2012

Hall, Erin; Jurgec, Peter; Kawahara, Shigeto

doi:10.1162/ling_a_00284

Cited by 4 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 17 publications

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“…Kawahara (2015) provides a survey of known opaque interactions in Japanese, arguing that most do not involve a great deal of data and are not fully general, can be reanalysed as transparent or are not productive. Hall et al (2018) take an intermediate position, in which opaque interactions involve allomorph selection rather than productive phonological patterns; they offer an analysis in Harmonic Serialism, a derivational version of OT.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Opacity in Šmartno Slovenian

Jurgec

2019

Phonology

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Šmartno is a critically endangered dialect of Slovenian that exhibits three interacting processes: final devoicing, unstressed high vowel deletion and vowel–glide coalescence. Their interaction is opaque: final obstruents devoice, unless they become final due to vowel deletion; high vowels delete, but not when created by coalescence. These patterns constitute a synchronic chain shift that leads to two emergent contrasts: final obstruent voicing and vowel length (due to compensatory lengthening). The paper examines all nominal paradigms, and complements them with an acoustic analysis of vowel duration and obstruent voicing. This work presents one of the most thoroughly documented instances of counterfeeding opacity on environment.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Opacity in Šmartno Slovenian

Jurgec

2019

Phonology

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“…For example, adopting an HS grammar enforces locality in prosodic and segmental process application (McCarthy 2007b;Pruitt 2010Pruitt , 2012 and correctly restricts the directionality of repair for positional markedness and faithfulness constraints ( Jesney 2011;McCarthy 2011b;Staubs 2013Staubs , 2016. HS has also been successfully applied to the problem of local optionality (Kimper 2011) and to a range of morphology-phonology interactions (Hall et al 2018, Lamont 2021. To a great extent, HS retains parallel OT's ability to handle nonuniformity (see, e.g., for Yowlumne analysis) and other desirable effects that arise from constraint competition, though the frameworks also diverge in some of these respects (e.g., Adler & Zymet 2021).…”

Section: Overviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Despite (re)introducing serial derivations, HS does not provide a general solution to residual opacity (McCarthy 2000(McCarthy , 2007a, though extant work has identified some cases that HS is able to analyze (e.g., Breteler 2017, Calamaro 2017, Elfner 2016, Hall et al 2018, McCarthy 2008c, Rasin 2022, Torres-Tamarit 2016, and HS has been argued to have advantages well beyond opacity (e.g., McCarthy 2010. This suggests that serialism is not the key to understanding the kinds of opacity that parallel OT famously struggles with.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The proposal of OT-CC spawned an effort to explore the value of restricted Gen and gradual optimization in areas other than opacity. This led to the large and growing literature on HS, which generally does not invoke the opacity-specific additional machinery that defines OT-CC.15 There are also some cases of residual opacity that HS can handle that do not appear to fall under any of the categories reviewed so far-namely, those discussed byBreteler (2017),Hall et al (2018), andMcCarthy (2008c). Tentatively, these cases appear to involve something like what Baković (2007) calls "self-destructive feeding" (also known as "seeding"; Baković & Blumenfeld 2018), which is problematic for parallel OT.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Serialism and Opacity in Phonological Theory

Pruitt

2023

Annu. Rev. Linguist.

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Opacity is a natural language phenomenon where a phonological process is rendered non-surface-true by virtue of its interaction with other processes. Phonologists have long been fascinated with opaque generalizations both from a typological standpoint (What kinds of non-surface-true generalizations are found?) and a theoretical one (Which formal tools permit an analysis of opacity?). This review aims to ( a) discuss the breadth of non-surface-true generalizations in light of phonologists’ (often implicit) working definitions of opacity and ( b) address opacity as a flashpoint in one of the larger debates in generative phonology, between the rule-based serial approach of Chomsky & Halle's Sound Pattern of English and constraint-based parallel Optimality Theory. A conclusion offered here is that the well-known problems Optimality Theory faces with some kinds of opacity are due not to its lack of serialism but to the fact that such processes are input-motivated rather than output-motivated. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Linguistics, Volume 9 is January 2023. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.

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“…As McCarthy (2008b, 2016) shows, the pattern cannot be generated in parallel OT because there is no way to determine which vowels need to be deleted without first building feet. HS also predicts opaque interactions involving allomorph selection, while parallel OT cannot model opacity without introducing additional mechanisms (Hall, Jurgec & Kawahara 2018). Finally, HS makes better predictions than parallel OT when it comes to variation.…”

Section: Shiftmentioning

confidence: 99%

Shift in Harmonic Serialism

GIETZ¹,

Jurgec²,

PERCIVAL

2022

J. Ling.

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Harmonic Serialism is a serial version of Optimality Theory in which Gen is restricted to one operation at a time. What constitutes one operation has been a key question in the literature. This paper asks whether shift, in which a feature moves/flops from one segment to another, should be considered an operation. We review three pieces of evidence that suggest so. We show that only the one-step shift analysis can capture the tonal patterns in Kibondei and the segmental patterns in Halkomelem; grammars that rely on spreading or floating features cannot. We complement these findings with a factorial typology in which the one-step shifting grammars predict several attested patterns that the grammars without one-step shift cannot. We conclude that shift must be a single operation in Harmonic Serialism.

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Opaque Allomorph Selection in Japanese and Harmonic Serialism: A Reply to Kurisu 2012

Cited by 4 publications

References 17 publications

Opacity in Šmartno Slovenian

Opacity in Šmartno Slovenian

Serialism and Opacity in Phonological Theory

Shift in Harmonic Serialism

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