In March of 2003, hundreds of thousands of high school students all over the world took to the streets to protest the impending U.S.-led war in Iraq. Emily, from the San Francisco Bay Area, was 13 at the time. When I interviewed her several years later, a senior in high school, she told me that the main thing she remembers about 8 th grade was all the anti-war protests. She went to every possible rally, student walkout, and march. But these anti-war protests were not the end of her teenage activism; over the next five years she coordinated an organization for women's rights at her high school, worked to oppose California ballot measures that would restrict the reproductive rights of teenage girls, and continued to go to protests and rallies on a variety of national issues. Similarly, Celia, an Italian exchange student who I met while she was living in Venezuela described the lead-up to war as the spark that led her and many of her peers to become activists. She was fourteen at the time. 'I began to educate myself more about this issue because I wanted to oppose what was being done. And many other youth were also doing this, like me, so a lot of spontaneous protests were born almost without organization at the beginning.And afterward we began to discuss and decide how to organize ourselves in order to continue with other activities and other projects.' Like Emily, Celia didn't stop there. In fact, she was so interested in social movements that she convinced her parents to let her spend a year living in Venezuela where she'd be able to see the unfolding political changes.What leads girls like Emily and Celia to become involved in social movements? How do they understand this involvement? And how do they narrate their developing identities as teenage activists? This article analyses girls' stories about their entry into activism, examining how they talk about the process of 'becoming an activist.' In particular, I show how girl activists' constructions of their activist identities replicate many of the narrative conventions of coming of age tales as well as popular discourses of adolescence as a time of self-development. After describing some of the narrative themes found in these activist coming of age tales, I argue that girl activists' emphasis on themselves as still 'becoming' rather than 'being' activists enables a valuable political flexibility, openness, and the mobilization of their peers but also has the unintended consequence of contributing to their own invisibility and to the widespread dismissal of young people's politics as merely practice for the future.