Optimality Theory and variable word-final deletion in Faetar

Nagy, Naomi; Reynolds, Bill

doi:10.1017/s0954394500001782

Cited by 166 publications

(92 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…5 I assume here a strict dominance hierarchy, following Prince & Smolensky (1993). Work on variation in OT (Reynolds 1994;Zubritskaya 1994Zubritskaya , 1997Nagy & Reynolds 1997;Ringen 1997;Anttila, in preparation) suggests that the requirement of total ordering must ultimately be relaxed, with variable ranking being permitted.…”

Section: Theoretical Background: Optimality and Correspondencementioning

confidence: 99%

Positional Faithfulness

Beckman¹

2004

Optimality Theory in Phonology

132

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Section: Theoretical Background: Optimality and Correspondencementioning

confidence: 99%

Positional Faithfulness

Beckman¹

2004

Optimality Theory in Phonology

132

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“…The fact that glide epenthesis applies variably suggests that ONSET and DEP-C are in a variable ranking relationship (on variability in OT, see e.g. Anttila & Cho 1998, Nagy & Reynolds 1997, and Reynolds 1994, as well as McCarthy 2002 and the references cited therein). In Table 30 and subsequent tableaux, the columns of variably ranked constraints are separated by wavy lines, and variably fatal constraint violations are indicated by placing the exclamation points in parentheses.…”

Section: 24mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Phonology-Morphology Interface in Judeo-Spanish Diminutive Formation: A Lexical Ordering and Subcategorization Approach

Bradley

Smith

2011

Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics

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In this article we examine diminutive formation in Judeo-Spanish, which has not been treated before in the generative literature. The distribution of diminutive suffixes is shown to be predictable based on an interaction of morphological and phonological properties, which is a recognized hallmark of diminutive formation in Spanish more generally. Judeo-Spanish also presents some interesting twists not commonly found in other varieties of Spanish. A formal analysis is developed in Optimality Theory that builds upon recent work on allomorph selection involving lexical ordering and subcategorization. A comparison with previous analyses of other Spanish varieties shows that our approach can account for the behavior of nominal class markers in diminutivization, as well as the alternation of diminutive allomorphs, while avoiding the proliferation of language-and morpheme-specific constraints. Furthermore, our account sheds new light on the moraic status of glides in rising and falling diphthongs and of the trill in word-medial intervocalic position.

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“…OT-treatments of variation and associated change have developed various ways of making the grammar generate further outputs besides the standard winners, whether by assuming that the ranking of constraints in an OT-grammar is only partial, such that certain pairs of constraints are not ranked with respect to each other and either order yields a valid competition (as in Nagy and Reynolds 1997, Antilla 1997, Ito and Mester 1997, and many other works, see Müller 1999 for general discussion), by having recourse to a more powerful stochastic notion of constraint ranking (Boersma 1997, Boersma andHayes 2001), or by allowing direct (but limited) access in the evaluation to a rank-ordered set of non-optimal candidates (Coetsee 2004). The evidence considered here will not decide between these different theories of variation; for concreteness, we make use of a generic non-ranking format.…”

Section: Ranuki Variation In Otmentioning

confidence: 99%

Morphological contrast and merger: ranuki in Japanese

Itô¹,

Mester²

2004

Journal of Japanese Linguistics

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IntroductionThe central notion of structural linguistics is that of contrast or opposition: The linguistic value and role of a unit cannot be reduced to its physical substance, but is crucially determined by the network of relations that it enters into with other units of a similar kind: phoneme to phoneme, morpheme to morpheme, etc. A mid front vowel /e/ in a five-vowel system is something quite different from an /e/ in a seven-vowel system, perfect tense in a system without imperfect is something different from perfect tense in a system with imperfect, etc. Structuralist phonemics is the embodiment of a theory built on contrast as a central notion.Generative phonology, on the other hand, was virtually founded on the rejection of a strictly phonemic level of representation where all and only the contrastive units of a sound system are represented (Halle 1962). The focus was instead on the new device of the phonological derivation, with a sequence of phonological rules deriving phonetic output representations from abstract morphophonemic inputs. Neither of these two levels served as a representation of contrastive function in the sense of structuralist phonemics, and there was also no formal separation into rules neutralizing contrasts between phonemes and rules deriving allophones. All in all, classical generative phonology had little use for contrast as an operative element of the theory, and the notion was perceived as functionalist and unfit for the rigors of formal analysis. 1Recent work has seen an impressive re-emergence of contrast as a key element of phonological theory and analysis. Within OT Phonology, the work of Flemming 1995and Padgett 2003 showed that considerations of contrastive function need not remain at the level of vague appeals to trends and tendencies, but can be given a precise formal expression that is fully integrated with the rest of the grammar.The purpose of this note is to take up an example of a contrast-effect in morphology from Japanese, the so-called ra-dropping or ra-nuki (ら抜き, lit. 'ra-pullout') in the potential form of * We are grateful to Haruo Kubozono, Jaye Padgett, John Whitman, and an anonymous reviewer for useful suggestions, as well as to audiences at the 2003 Phonology Forum (Kobe College) and at colloquia at UC Santa Cruz and at Cornell University. 1 Every descriptively adequate theory of phonology needs a way of distinguishing contrasting segments from non-contrasting pairs of segments. In the further development of generative phonology, this task fell to underspecification, with non-contrastive features being left out in underlying representations and filled in by rule in the course of the derivation. Underspecification has been found to have fundamental problems and paradoxes (see McCarthy andTaub 1992 andSteriade 1995) and has been largely abandoned in OT (see Smolensky 1993 and subsequent work for arguments).

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Optimality Theory and variable word-final deletion in Faetar

Cited by 166 publications

References 4 publications

Positional Faithfulness

Positional Faithfulness

The Phonology-Morphology Interface in Judeo-Spanish Diminutive Formation: A Lexical Ordering and Subcategorization Approach

Morphological contrast and merger: ranuki in Japanese

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