Oral history and the development of indigenous irrigation. Methods and examples from Kilimanjaro, Tanzania

Tagseth, Mattias

doi:10.1080/00291950701864898

Cited by 23 publications

(25 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…These two locations are part of the ‘complex of the East Africa hill furrow’ (Tagseth , 10) and have been defined as ‘islands of intensive agriculture’ as smallholder irrigation has allowed for intensive farming in drylands (Widgren and Sutton ) (Figure ).…”

Section: Case Studies: Sibou and Engarukamentioning

confidence: 99%

Hydropatriarchies and landesque capital: a local gender contract analysis of two smallholder irrigation systems inEastAfrica

Caretta

2014

Geographical Journal

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Water is a natural resource whose control for productive purposes is often in the hands of men. Societies grounded on such unequal gender relations have been defined 'hydropatriarchies'. Against this background, this paper presents a gender analysis of landscape investments, conceptualised as landesque capital in smallholder irrigation farming in East Africa. Based on the analysis of how local gender contracts are negotiated, I argue that as processes of landesque capital formation are often explicitly gendered, attentiveness to gender dynamics is required to fully understand such practices. Moreover, as investments in landesque capital, for example, irrigation, terracing and drainage systems, have primarily been conceptualised as the result of men's systematic work, this study highlights women's contributions to the creation of landesque capital, taking smallholder irrigation as an example. Findings show that a distinction between 'incremental' and 'systematic' change (Doolittle 1984; Annals of the Association of American Geographers 74 124-37) is central to understanding the gender dynamics of landesque capital investment, but it is not sufficient. As women's work processes are typically not systematic, possibly promoting incremental change, they contribute to the production of landesque capital by supporting and facilitating men's work. However, the work of women is, as a rule, homogenised and stereotypically rendered as reproductive and secondary, due to the underlying cultural norms that limit, control or exploit women. This conceptualisation, or rather lack of, I argue, risks leading to a gender-blind analysis of land use intensification processes. Building on the gendered and symbolic nature of landesque capital, I propose a local gender contract analysis that integrates the cultural, symbolic and physical dimensions of the local gender division of labour into agricultural work and landscape change processes.

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Section: Case Studies: Sibou and Engarukamentioning

confidence: 99%

Hydropatriarchies and landesque capital: a local gender contract analysis of two smallholder irrigation systems inEastAfrica

Caretta

2014

Geographical Journal

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“…Interests and confl icts over environmental resources are today often understood and discussed in terms of stakeholder analysis (Grimble and Wellard, 1997;Grimble, 1998), and in Tanzania Sjaastad et al (2003) have made a stakeholder analysis of the catchment forest reserves for the Tanzanian government. For the locals at the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro the irrigation system fed by water from the forest is a key forest resource (Tagseth, 2006(Tagseth, , 2008. In addition to the traditional stakeholders, new groups of quasi-stakeholders are also important when mediation of ecology is discussed (Elkington, 1998).…”

Section: The Stakeholder Perspectivementioning

confidence: 99%

Mediation of tropical forest interests through empowerment to locals by means of ecological indicators

Hermansen

2010

Sustainable Development

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Globalization and global concerns for tropical moist forests have a strong impact on the ability of local, indigenous people who live either in or close to the forest and depend upon the quality of the ecosystem resources that the forest provides for the vital necessities of their daily life. This paper explores how tension between global and local interests arises. It investigates differences in the acquisition of knowledge about the forest ecosystem and suggests ways to mediate and negotiate between the interested parties. Catchment forest management at Mount Kilimanjaro, Tanzania is the reference case for this research. Methodologically, there are challenges connected to the different positions expressed in a 'locals - globals' discussion about forest ecosystem services and sustainability. Within this setting, the paper argues for an ecological mediation between locals and globals based on an actor-network and stakeholder approach. In the conclusion, the paper suggests a framework for ecological methods, where ecological semantics can be a mediator between nature (ecology) and culture (society) to evolve a common understanding for environmental sustainability and valuation of ecosystem services. From this, another framework for mediating ecological indicators is developed to keep the elements of local versus global interest, nature versus society and epistemology versus ontology together in one system. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment.

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“…Indeed, although today the system of access and use of water resources in the GRRC is formalised by the Tanzania National Water Policy of 2002 [45] and the Water Act of 2009 [46], following the principles of Integrated Water Resources Management, water resources management was governed by a customary system in the pre-colonial period [47][48][49][50][51]. It is the German and British settlers who formalised water law, vesting it in the colonial government [52].…”

Section: The Case Of the Great Ruaha River Catchmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Water Users Associations in Tanzania: Local Governance for Whom?

Richards

2019

Water

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In order to implement Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) according to good practice, governments and development agencies have promoted the setting-up of Water Users Associations (WUAs) as a broadly applicable model for water management at the local level. WUAs are promoted as key to the rolling out of IWRM principles through a participative process. Using intensive qualitative data, this paper discusses Tanzanian WUAs in light of the Regulatory Framework within which they operate. I argue that although the government’s objectives are to achieve an equitable and sustainable allocation of water resources, the formalisation of water allocation has led to the exclusion of specific water users. This paper focuses on the Great Ruaha River Catchment (GRRC), where water scarcity has led to competition between investors and small-scale water users. The GRRC is an environment in which formal and informal practices overlap, due to legal pluralism and the incremental implementation of water governance frameworks. This study calls for a reassessment of the role of WUAs in Tanzania. There is a clear gap between the theoretical clarity of tasks handed to WUAs (particularly their role in formalising access to water), and the messiness of everyday practice.

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Oral history and the development of indigenous irrigation. Methods and examples from Kilimanjaro, Tanzania

Cited by 23 publications

References 22 publications

Hydropatriarchies and landesque capital: a local gender contract analysis of two smallholder irrigation systems inEastAfrica

Hydropatriarchies and landesque capital: a local gender contract analysis of two smallholder irrigation systems inEastAfrica

Mediation of tropical forest interests through empowerment to locals by means of ecological indicators

Water Users Associations in Tanzania: Local Governance for Whom?

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