Ordstilling i ledsætninger i moderne dansk talesprog

Jensen, Torben Juel

doi:10.7146/nfg.v19i18.23671

Cited by 9 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…In the Zealand and Bornholm dialects, however, such verb placement in relative clauses was not attested. The findings of this study stand in somewhat contrast to the more recent study by Jensen (2011). He investigated the dialect of Copenhagen and of Vinderup in Western Jutland, and in these locations he hardly found any instances of verbs preceding negation or adverbs in relative clauses.…”

Section: Discussioncontrasting

confidence: 99%

Verb placement in relative clauses

Bentzen

2017

NALS

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Section: Discussioncontrasting

confidence: 99%

Verb placement in relative clauses

Bentzen

2017

NALS

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“…eksempel (4)). Jensen (2011) og Christensen & Jensen (2014b finder at omkring halvdelen af de ledsaetninger der lader sig analysere i forhold til ledstilling, har V>adv-ledstilling. 4 Det gaelder for dansk at ledstillingen kun kan afgøres i de ledsaetninger der indeholder et saetningsadverbial, SA, og Jensen & Christensen (2013:39) konkluderer at man i det samlede antal ytrede ledsaetninger derfor kun kan analysere 25 %.…”

Section: Ledstilling I Ledsaetninger I Danmarksdansk Talesprogunclassified

Ledstilling i ledsætninger i dansk som arvesprog i Argentina. Et foreløbigt studium

Hartling¹

2016

nfg

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This paper presents a case study of word order variation in subordinate clauses (henceforth 'subclauses') in Heritage Danish in Argentina. In European Danish, the placement of the sentence adverbial traditionally distinguishes so-called main clause word order (conj>S>Vfin>Adv) and subclause word order (conj>S>Adv>Vfin). The paper shows that this normative distinction still holds in more than half of the subclauses in Heritage Danish in Argentina, and, except for the relative clauses, to an even higher degree than in colloquial European Danish. Hence, the word order distribution in Heritage Danish also differs from Heritage Norwegian and Swedish where word order in subclauses has become optional due to incomplete acquisition of the heritage language.

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“…Denne helsaetningsovervaegt er også reflekteret i tidligere undersøgelser af fordi-ytringer i talesprog (Gregersen og Pedersen 1997;Jensen 2011;Steensig 1998). En naermere undersøgelse af alle eksemplerne bekraeftede de oprindelige antagelser i hypoteserne, men antydede derudover en underopdeling af fordi-ytringer med helsaetningsordstilling.…”

Section: Neutralunclassified