Origins and development of adjectival passives in Spanish

Marco, Cristina; Marín, Rafael

doi:10.1075/ihll.5.09mar

Cited by 6 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…Diachronic data in support of this explanation were found in the study by Marco and Marín (2015). These authors offer statistical data, drawn from an extensive diachronic corpus spanning the 12th to the 20th centuries in support of the hypothesis that the uses of estar in adjectival passives (Ahí están escritas todas las leyes 'there are ESTAR written all the laws = all the laws are written there') as well as in attributives with state adjectives (La casa está sucia 'the house is ESTAR dirty') are derivations generated progressively by processes of grammaticalization and analogy starting from the originally locative use of estar.…”

Section: Lm2supporting

confidence: 59%

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Ser and estar from the Cognitive Grammar perspective

Castro¹

2019

vial

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This article explores the various uses of ser and estar in Spanish based on the assumptions of Cognitive Grammar (CG). The application of certain concepts of this model to the description of the attributive and non-attributive values of ser and estar allows us to identify a unifying thread that facilitates an integrated description of each use. These concepts and theoretical instruments include grammaticalization through attenuation, active zone, profile/base distinction, and dependency relation through correspondences, among others. In accordance with the symbolic conception of grammar characteristic of CG, we defend the idea that in their attributive and non-attributive uses both ser and estar are signs in which a basic semantic structure present in all the values can be recognized, although with different emergent nuances in specific constructions facilitated by different processes of metonymic extension. The main argument of this paper is that, in the ser/estar opposition, the marked element is estar as it contains a stative-episodic component that, be it in the foreground of the profile or the background of the base presupposed by this verb, is present in all its uses, locative, attributive, as an auxiliary in progressive periphrasis and in adjectival passive constructions. Ser, however, is a copulative verb by default, and may be associated with the notion of identification or correspondence in all its attributive uses and takes on predicative nuances both in its use in locations of event nouns and as an auxiliary in passives.

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Section: Lm2supporting

confidence: 59%

“…In the early centuries of Old Spanish, ser was the default copulative verb for all situations. With examples adapted from Marco and Marín (2015): la puerta era bien cerrada 'the door was SER well closed', pensaban que eran muy cansados 'they thought they were SER very tired', donde eran los mojones 'where the milestones were SER '.…”

Section: Lm2mentioning

confidence: 99%

Ser and estar from the Cognitive Grammar perspective

Castro¹

2019

vial

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“…Third, the semantic factor of predicate type plays an important role in copula selection (Aguilar-Sánchez 2009; Batllori et al 2009;Batllori and Roca 2011;Camacho 2012;Clements 1988Clements , 2006Díaz-Campos and Geeslin 2011;Geeslin 2003;Juárez-Cummings 2014;Leonetti 1994;Marco and Marín 2015). This variable distinguishes between qualities characteristic of an individual and those attributed to the individual in a concrete situation.…”

Section: Linguistic Factors Conditioning Copula ()Variationmentioning

confidence: 99%

¿(Está/Es) Difícil?: Variable Use of Ser and Estar by Heritage Learners of Spanish

Wheeler,

Pollock,

Díaz-Campos

2023

Languages

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The current study examines variation in copula selection in Spanish by looking at the written productions of three groups of language learners in the United States, including heritage learners, those with English as an L1, and international students with English as an L2. Research on copula variation in Spanish has pinpointed several key linguistic and social factors that influence selection; this study aims to apply these findings to heritage learners in order to determine how their acquisition differs from that of non-native language learners. This analysis used the COWS-L2H corpus of Spanish from the University of California, Davis. Examining over 8000 tokens of [adjective + copula] constructions in variable contexts where both ser and estar were used, the study tracks how linguistic and extralinguistic factors condition copula selection within the three learner groups and how these results compare to previous findings. Seven factors were predictive of copula selection: resultant state, frame of reference, adjective class, experience with study abroad, essay prompt, student age, and course level. Heritage learner copula use was found to be governed by a different set of predictors than that of learners, hinting at the variable motivations and backgrounds that influence use and reflect the identity goals of these speakers.

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“…I will instead focus on a complementary aspect of this endeavor which may have greater theoretical importance. Works such as Rosemeyer (2014) analysis of the extinction in Spanish of the non-passive constructions with ser “to be” and a past participle, Marco and Marín (2015) remarks on the expansion of estar “to stand, to stay, to be” + participle or the already classic study by Rodríguez Molina (2004) about the diffusion of haber “to have” + participle all clearly show, through a wealth of data, that the progression or regression of these auxiliaries is a function of their progressive adoption or rejection by specific groups of predicates. For example, participles that convey the continuity or emergence of an event, such as permanecer “to remain” or suceder “to happen,” lose their ability to combine with ser at an earlier stage than others (e.g., participles indicating change of state); the participles of verbs of transfer, like dar “to give,” become associated with auxiliary haber “to have” sooner and more frequently than with other verbs; and the huge increase in the use of estar + participle in Classical Spanish (roughly, the 16th and 17th centuries) largely coincides with its adoption by psychological predicates involving an experiencer, such as preocupar “to worry.” In all these cases, the observed diffusion or regression of the constructions follows a logistic curve, or S-curve (cf.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Large Corpora and Historical Syntax: Consequences for the Study of Morphosyntactic Diffusion in the History of Spanish

Huerta

2019

Front. Psychol.

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Over the turn of the 21st century, the use of data from large electronic corpora has changed research on Spanish historical syntax, spurring interest in long-range evolutions, and the shape of the correspondent diachronic curves. However, general reflections on diffusion and the factors that drive and influence it are still pretty much lacking. In this paper, I reflect on the research possibilities laid open by the availability of such large masses of data, focusing particularly on new knowledge on syntactic change brought about by the study of low-frequency phenomena and of recessive changes, as well as on the exploration of changes conditioned by dialect contact, and textual traditions. I conclude with some remarks on the general typology of diffusion in syntactic change.

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Origins and development of adjectival passives in Spanish

Cited by 6 publications

References 0 publications

Ser and estar from the Cognitive Grammar perspective

Ser and estar from the Cognitive Grammar perspective

¿(Está/Es) Difícil?: Variable Use of Ser and Estar by Heritage Learners of Spanish

Large Corpora and Historical Syntax: Consequences for the Study of Morphosyntactic Diffusion in the History of Spanish

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