Origins of Palauan Intrusive Velar Nasals

Blevins, Juliette; Kaufman, Daniel

doi:10.1353/ol.2012.0008

Cited by 2 publications

(2 citation statements)

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“…For the initial [ŋ], Blevins and Kaufman (2012) studied its origins in Palauan, from morphological instead of phonological perspectives. Palauan is "a Malayo-Polynesian language with a long history of independent development".…”

Section: Distributional and Phonotactic Studies Of Initial-[ŋ]mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Palauan is "a Malayo-Polynesian language with a long history of independent development". Blevins et al (2012) argued that the nasalization at word or phrase boundaries in Palauan did not result from natural phonetic motivations, but from a reanalysis of a particle *ŋ. A third person singular marker "ŋ" in the word-initial position is reanalyzed as a clitic.…”

Section: Distributional and Phonotactic Studies Of Initial-[ŋ]mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Acoustic Variation of Syllable-Initial [ŋ] in Zhengding Chinese

Ma¹

2021

IJL

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The study explores the acoustic properties of syllable-initial [ŋ] in Zhengding dialect, to see whether the younger generation shows the same pattern with the senior group. 60 items with vowel realizations [ʌ, a, ɑ, ə, ɤ] and [ai, ɑo, ou] in ‘[ŋ]-V’ and ‘[g]-V’ structures are produced by 8 native speakers. Three experiments are conducted. Experiment I compares ‘[ŋ]-V’ and ‘[g]-V’ structures in senior speeches. Three acoustic effects due to the initial [ŋ] are established: vowels become less distinctive from each other by decreasing the first formant (F1), increasing the second formant (F2), and shrinking the gap between the second formant (F2) and the third formant (F3). Experiment II is conducted between ‘[ŋ]-V’ and ‘[g]-V’ in the younger speakers, investigating whether they have a similar pattern with the seniors. Experiment III is supplemented to compare the younger speeches in Zhengding dialect and Mandarin, to explore whether the generational variation in Zhengding dialect is relevant to dialect contact, i.e., whether the younger speakers are largely influenced by Mandarin. The result shows the younger generation does not produce the initial [ŋ] with the vowel realizations [ʌ, a, ɑ, ə, ai, ɑo, ou], which traditionally have an initial [ŋ], with an exception in [ɤ]. A fusion process is assumed in [ɤ] in the younger pattern, in which the initial nasal [ŋ] and the following vowel [ɤ] are combined into the single nasalized vowel [ɤ̃], with the nasal effects remained, but the initial nasal then deleted. From the sociovariationist perspective, the nasal-initial pronunciation is a partial variation in Zhengding dialect. Not all speakers pronounce with the velar-initial [ŋ]. The older generation largely remained the velar-initial variant, but the younger generation preferred the zero-onset, which might be due to the influence of dialect contact with Mandarin.

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Section: Distributional and Phonotactic Studies Of Initial-[ŋ]mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Distributional and Phonotactic Studies Of Initial-[ŋ]mentioning

confidence: 99%

Acoustic Variation of Syllable-Initial [ŋ] in Zhengding Chinese

Ma¹

2021

IJL

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The Proto—Malayo-Polynesian Multiplicative Ligature *ŋa: A Reply to Reid

Blust¹

2012

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In seeking a plausible morphological source for the "intrusive velar nasal" of Palauan, Reid has argued that the multiplicative ligature *ŋa posited by Blust is invalid, and that the shape of this morpheme in Proto—Malayo-Polynesian vowel-final numerals from '20' to '90' was *=m, from earlier *na. However, evidence extending from the northern Philippines to eastern Polynesia supports *ŋa, and shows that Reid has confused two distinct morphemes, the attributive ligature *na, and the multiplicative ligature *ŋa. His further attempts to account for the nonetymological velar nasal of Palauan from an independent ligature *ŋ that ultimately reflects *na are unconvincing because they appeal to ad hoc sound changes, because they are largely a prioristic statements of possibility rather than controlled efforts to track evidence in a single language, and because Palauan has a regular reflex of *na in the form of the ligature əl , which closely matches the functions of Tagalog na and the similar attributive ligature in other Philippine-type languages.

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Origins of Palauan Intrusive Velar Nasals

Cited by 2 publications

References 19 publications

Acoustic Variation of Syllable-Initial [ŋ] in Zhengding Chinese

Acoustic Variation of Syllable-Initial [ŋ] in Zhengding Chinese

The Proto—Malayo-Polynesian Multiplicative Ligature *ŋa: A Reply to Reid

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