Orthodoxy and Public Education in the Russian Federation: The First Fifteen Years

Basil, John D.

doi:10.1093/jcs/49.1.27

Cited by 5 publications

(2 citation statements)

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“…The survey in Buryatia asked directly about the first two of these changes. In April 2010, courses on "Fundamentals of Religious Culture and Secular Ethics" were introduced in 19 Russian regions, targeting students in grades four and five.16 This decision brought some resolution to long-running debates in the Russian Federation over the place of religious education in public schools and moved away from the focus on religious history that had been supported by Putin during his tenure as president (Basil 2007). Students and their guardians are permitted to choose between six different modules, which cover each of the four traditional religions -the curriculum acknowledges the multi-confessional composition of the Russian polity by allowing students to choose between units on Orthodox, Buddhist, Islamic, and Jewish religion and culture -as well as courses in the history of world religion or teachings in secular ethics (Rozhaeva 2010).…”

Section: The Politics Of Religion In the Republic Of Buryatiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Religious practice and belief in the Republic of Buryatia: comparing across faiths and national groups

Holland

2014

Natl. pap.

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Using results from a 2010 survey conducted in the Republic of Buryatia, this paper compares the responses of Russians and Buryats on questions of religious practice and belief, as well as the role of religion and religious organizations in the political sphere of contemporary Russia. Buryats more commonly identify with a religion and more frequently attend religious services in comparison to Russians living in the republic. There is greater consonance between the two groups on the public role of religion, with both Russians and Buryats generally supportive of the recent extension of religious education into schools and the creation of national holidays for all traditional religions, among other issues.

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Section: The Politics Of Religion In the Republic Of Buryatiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Religious practice and belief in the Republic of Buryatia: comparing across faiths and national groups

Holland

2014

Natl. pap.

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“…In the four years since the publication of Glanzer's essay, the issue has not been resolved, attracting the attention of both Russian and western scholars (see, for example, Joera Mulders' article in Religion, State & Society) (Mulders, 2008). In their work there is a growing consensus that what we are witnessing is not simply a sustained effort by a reactionary religious organisation to infiltrate an enlightened secular school system (see, for example, Loya, 2006;Basil, 2007). Rather, as Glanzer correctly points out, the introduction of Orthodoxy into this sphere can be traced to initial government openness to religious organisations in the context of the disintegration of ethical upbringing (vospitaniye) that had been an integral component of Soviet education.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Contentious Conversation: Framing the ‘Fundamentals of Orthodox Culture’ in Russia

Папкова¹

2009

Religion, State and Society

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The relationship between the Russian government and the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) has increasingly become the object of much scrutiny. The debate centres on the question of whether or not the ROC enjoys inordinate influence over the Russian political sphere. This article examines one case in which the Moscow Patriarchate has attempted to influence federal policy, namely, by lobbying the state to include courses on 'Orthodox culture' in the federal curriculum. The article draws on social movement theory to argue that the ROC has, to date, failed in its endeavour, as a result of a combination of three factors. First, it has failed to persuade either the state or society that teaching 'Orthodox culture' in schools is a worthy cause. Second, it has been unable to demonstrate a united front on the issue, revealing serious disagreements within the ranks of both clergy and laity regarding the content and form of the proposed curriculum. Third, it has been unable to demonstrate that it represents a constituency sufficiently numerous for the government to take its interests seriously in this case. The article thus argues that the relationship between church and state in the Russian Federation is more contentious than frequent joint appearances of clerical and lay leaders would suggest, and that the ROC is in the position of a junior partner whose ability to influence the state is circumscribed by important societal and political factors.

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Russian Orthodox concordat? Church and state under Medvedev

Папкова¹

2011

Natl. pap.

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The literature on church-state relations in post-Soviet Russia has been slowly but steadily expanding over the past two decades. The period since 2008, however, remains underdeveloped, as existing analysis has focused on specific issues rather than attempting an overview of the larger trends since the above-mentioned changes in the leadership of both institutions. Seeking to address this gap, this article explores the implications of the nearly coincidental changeovers in leadership in the Moscow Patriarchate and the secular state for church-state relations in Russia, both near and long-term. The first part of the article sets up the context for understanding the new church-state dynamic, by discussing in some detail the state of the relationship under Patriarch Aleksii II. The conclusions are that, under Aleksii tenure, the church could be considered a relatively weak institution, as it was unable for the most part to strengthen its position in Russia through legislative means. The second part focuses on the process whereby the new patriarch came to be elected in 2009, intending thereby to shed some light on Kirill I's leadership style and political agenda. The third part discusses concrete changes in the church-state relationship that have occurred on the federal level since 2008. The final section proposes some conclusions regarding the importance of the Russian Orthodox Church as a political actor in the contemporary Russian Federation, suggesting that despite the recent gains in the church's political fortunes, the ROC's position in society and particularly vis-à-vis the government remains vulnerable in key respects.

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Orthodoxy and Public Education in the Russian Federation: The First Fifteen Years

Cited by 5 publications

References 0 publications

Religious practice and belief in the Republic of Buryatia: comparing across faiths and national groups

Religious practice and belief in the Republic of Buryatia: comparing across faiths and national groups

Contentious Conversation: Framing the ‘Fundamentals of Orthodox Culture’ in Russia

Russian Orthodox concordat? Church and state under Medvedev

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