Over-imitating preschoolers believe unnecessary actions are normative and enforce their performance by a third party

Kenward, Ben

doi:10.1016/j.jecp.2012.02.006

Cited by 182 publications

(166 citation statements)

References 68 publications

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“…B 371: 20150071 consequences of social learning [17,18,[43][44][45][46][47]. Approaching the same question from a developmental perspective, as already noted above, children do not overimitate until their second year, and growing evidence suggests they indeed do so because of social and/or normative reasons [29,[43][44][45][46][47][48][49][50][51][52][53][54]. Finally, the fact that overimitation occurs across multiple contrasting cultural contexts [33][34][35] indicates that the sociocultural environment serving as a resource for acquiring human-specific overimitation in social learning is shared across most human communities.…”

Section: Social Learningmentioning

confidence: 92%

Why developmental psychology is incomplete without comparative and cross-cultural perspectives

Nielsen

Haun

2016

Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B

100

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One contribution of 16 to a theme issue 'Understanding self and other: from origins to disorders'. As a discipline, developmental psychology has a long history of relying on animal models and data collected among distinct cultural groups to enrich and inform theories of the ways social and cognitive processes unfold through the lifespan. However, approaches that draw together developmental, cross-cultural and comparative perspectives remain rare. The need for such an approach is reflected in the papers by Heyes (2015 Phil.

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Section: Social Learningmentioning

confidence: 92%

Why developmental psychology is incomplete without comparative and cross-cultural perspectives

Nielsen

Haun

2016

Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B

100

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“…Although some accounts of overimitation have explained this puzzling behavior in terms of brute cognitive limitations (e.g., Lyons, Young, & Keil, 2007), recent work suggests there may be more to the story. Even when it is made salient to them that certain actions are not instrumental to achieving a goal, children still overimitate and protest third parties who fail to overimitate (Kenward, 2012;Keupp, Behne and Rakoczy, 2013). Hence, in these situations, it seems that children may be drawing conclusions about what is prescriptively appropriate on the basis of what they infer is conventional or normal.…”

Section: Learning Morality From Normalitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Normality: Part descriptive, part prescriptive

2017

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a b s t r a c tPeople's beliefs about normality play an important role in many aspects of cognition and life (e.g., causal cognition, linguistic semantics, cooperative behavior). But how do people determine what sorts of things are normal in the first place? Past research has studied both people's representations of statistical norms (e.g., the average) and their representations of prescriptive norms (e.g., the ideal). Four studies suggest that people's notion of normality incorporates both of these types of norms. In particular, people's representations of what is normal were found to be influenced both by what they believed to be descriptively average and by what they believed to be prescriptively ideal. This is shown across three domains: people's use of the word ''normal" (Study 1), their use of gradable adjectives (Study 2), and their judgments of concept prototypicality (Study 3). A final study investigated the learning of normality for a novel category, showing that people actively combine statistical and prescriptive information they have learned into an undifferentiated notion of what is normal (Study 4). Taken together, these findings may help to explain how moral norms impact the acquisition of normality and, conversely, how normality impacts the acquisition of moral norms.Published by Elsevier B.V.

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“…A voluminous literature in psychology and sociology demonstrates that humans are innately attuned to the informational and normative cues in others' behaviors, even when interaction is transient or superficial (Cialdini and Goldstein 2004;Miller and Prentice 2016). Experiments by evolutionary psychologists, for example, show that children imitate unfamiliar adults' behaviors both as a means to reduce uncertainty (Lyons, Young, and Keil 2007) and out of concern for normative compliance (Kenward 2012). This sensitivity to others' behaviors generalizes to a variety of contexts.…”

Section: The Cultural Conductivity Of Superficial Interactionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond Social Contagion: Associative Diffusion and the Emergence of Cultural Variation

Goldberg

Stein

2018

Preprint

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Network models of diffusion predominantly think about cultural variation as a product of social contagion. But culture does not spread like a virus. In this paper, we propose an alternative explanation which we refer to as associative diffusion. Drawing on two insights from research in cognition-that meaning inheres in cognitive associations between concepts, and that such perceived associations constrain people's actionswe propose a model wherein, rather than beliefs or behaviors per-se, the things being transmitted between individuals are perceptions about what beliefs or behaviors are compatible with one another. Conventional contagion models require an assumption of network segregation to explain cultural variation. In contrast, we demonstrate that the endogenous emergence of cultural differentiation can be entirely attributable to social cognition and does not necessitate a clustered social network or a preexisting division into groups. Moreover, we show that prevailing assumptions about the effects of network topology do not hold when diffusion is associative. * Direct all correspondence to Amir Goldberg: amirgo@stanford.edu; 650-725-7926. We thank Rembrand M. Koning, Daniel A. McFarland, Paul DiMaggio, Sarah Soule, John-Paul Ferguson, Jesper Sørensen, Glenn Carroll and Sameer B. Srivastava for helpful comments and suggestions. The usual disclaimer applies.

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Over-imitating preschoolers believe unnecessary actions are normative and enforce their performance by a third party

Cited by 182 publications

References 68 publications

Why developmental psychology is incomplete without comparative and cross-cultural perspectives

Why developmental psychology is incomplete without comparative and cross-cultural perspectives

Normality: Part descriptive, part prescriptive

Beyond Social Contagion: Associative Diffusion and the Emergence of Cultural Variation

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