Overgang fra utdanning til arbeid blant høytutdannede etterkommere av innvandrere

Abstract

In spite of a growing literature concerned with the labour-market performance of children of non-western immigrants in Norway, there exists little quantitative evidence about how these differences play out at the very top of the education distribution: Does immigrant background matter for those who have completed a master's degree? We study the transition from education to work for this particular group in Norway. How do they fare compared to their equally highly educated peers with Norwegian-born parents? Our analyses show that immigrant background does not matter for employment probability after completing the master's degree. Among those employed, immigrant background is associated with higher hourly wages for women with a master's degree, but not for men, when we control for field of study programs and grades obtained in higher education. A similar pattern applies to annual income from work. Immigrant background is positively associated with higher business income among those with a master's degree, especially among women, but the difference is largely due to field of study. Having better grades in higher education is associated with higher employment rates, hourly wages, annual salary and business income. This applies equally to graduates with and without immigrant background, whereas the relationship is generally weaker for women.

Navigating to the Top in an Egalitarian Welfare State: Institutional Opportunity Structures of Second-generation Social Mobility

“…Such alternative routes included enrolling in private law schools (with low entry requirements) before transferring to a public university, which are the only institutions that can offer law degrees (Strømme and Hansen 2017), or studying medicine at universities in Eastern Europe, which offer medical degrees that are accepted in Norway without the same competitive acceptance criteria. A recent study found that while around one third of the native majority medical doctors in Norway obtained their degree abroad, more than 70 percent of second-generation medical doctors in the country received their degrees from universities abroad, mainly in Eastern Europe (Cools and Schøne 2019). 3 Although many students, irrespective of ethnic background, use these second-chance options, in particular to qualify for extremely competitive medical schools, they may be especially important for the second generation.…”

Becoming Elite in an Egalitarian Context: Pathways to Law and Medicine Among Norway’s Second-Generation

“…As the adult second generation in Norway are predominantly children of (lowskilled) labour migrants and refugees, we can expect them to be disadvantaged by the institutional and informal closure mechanisms in elite professions. On average, in Norway and elsewhere, children of immigrants obtain lower grades and test scores than their majority peers (Alba & Foner, 2015;Cools & Schøne, 2019;Heath & Rothon, 2014;Reisel et al, 2019), limiting their access to highly competitive educational fields. Furthermore, children of immigrants are 'different' to the students typically recruited into these professions, in the sense that they are not only often among the first visible minorities in their specific work environments, but are also often the first ones in their families to pursue an elite education.…”

“…Interestingly, recent statistical data confirms that the second generation is overrepresented among those who use studies abroad as an alternative route. While around one third of the native majority obtained their medical degree abroad, more than 70% of second-generation medical doctors in Norway received their degrees from universities abroad, especially in Eastern Europe (Cools & Schøne, 2019). 2 Within both medicine and law, it is thus apparent that some of the secondgeneration professionals have entered their elite professions through alternative routes.…”

“…Such formal and informal occupational closure can represent obstacles for the second generation's access to elite occupations. They face greater challenges in meeting the competitive admission criteria, as they tend to obtain lower grades than their majority peers (Alba & Foner, 2015;Cools & Schøne, 2019;Heath & Rothon, 2014;Reisel et al, 2019). Furthermore, being visible minorities and having undertaken a steep social climb means that the second generation may experience being "other" in their educational and work context, making them vulnerable to subtle processes of exclusion that might shape their work experiences and trajectories (e.g.…”

Gender Equality in Academia: FROM KNOWLEDGE TO CHANGE

“…Diversity is also severely limited among business leaders (Grundekjøn, 2020). Differential treatment also occurs in academia, although research here is not decisive (Akademiet for yngre forskere [AYF], 2019; Cools & Schøne, 2019;Midtbøen, 2020). Some studies indicate that differential treatment increases with higher position levels (Løkeland-Stai, 2020;Maximova-Mentzoni et al, 2016, p. 41), but differential treatment based on ethnicity in today's Norwegian academia is relatively unexplored.…”