Overload: Problems of Governing in the 1970s

King, Anthony

doi:10.1111/j.1467-9248.1975.tb00068.x

Cited by 338 publications

(93 citation statements)

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“…Depoliticisation therefore helps to alter market expectations regarding the credibility of policy-making (Majone, 2000). Second, the adoption of an indirect governing relationship provides a way of reducing political overload (King, 1975;Birch, 1984) that may in some circumstances empower ministers with a greater strategic capacity. Finally, from a political position, depoliticisation can help to insulate politicians in office from the adverse consequences of policy failure.…”

Section: Defining Depoliticisationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Depoliticisation: Principles, Tactics and Tools

2006

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Section: Defining Depoliticisationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Depoliticisation: Principles, Tactics and Tools

2006

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“…Corporatisation may also be attractive because of the benefits that it offers to the political class, especially when elected politicians are 'puzzling over' (Heclo, 1974) supranational or national pressures for reform, or when they are faced by situations of short-term political uncertainty (and possibly failure), such as those caused by public finance shortages and administrative overloads (King, 1975;Peters, 1981). In such critical situations, the shift from direct public intervention to the creation of private-law companies at arm's length from political power may seem appealing because it may enable politicians to distance themselves from potentially unpopular activities in a context of poor financial resources, thus avoiding responsibility and shifting the blame (Fiorina, 1986) for policy errors or unsatisfactory services on to managers (Christensen and Pallesen, 2001;Yamamoto, 2004).…”

Section: Political Representation In Municipal Corporations: a Theorementioning

confidence: 99%

Representation through corporatisation: municipal corporations in Italy as arenas for local democracy

Citroni

Lippi

Profeti

2014

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

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The literature on Public Utilities has increasingly shown that the adoption of corporate governance tools for the management of public services in local policy-making has given rise to a considerable reshaping of political strategies and practices. Corporatisation should be understood as not merely a policy instrument, but also as a new opportunity for local politicians to adjust their preferences, to deal with various interests, and to build unusual coalitions. Corporatisation may (and does) influence the concrete operation of local political systems. Today, the boards of municipal enterprises, as well as the public–private partnerships stemming from this emerging tendency towards corporatisation, can be conceived as both actors of local policy-making and arenas in which a number of functions traditionally associated with the mechanisms of electoral representation are performed: inter- and intra-party bargaining, recruitment of élites, and negotiation with local and ‘external’ stakeholders. The paper illustrates the impact of corporatisation on local representation mechanisms in Italy, considering its opaque side with specific reference to the problem of democratic accountability and control, and the creation of new local oligarchies. Empirical evidence is provided from research on municipal enterprises in six different Italian regions. Statistical data on companies (amount of social capital, fields of activity, private and public shareholders, etc.), as well as qualitative data, are analysed in order to show how corporatisation has provided local actors with unusual (and often non-transparent) channels of political representation and public–private bargaining.

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“…This was seen to have usurped the central institutions and processes of the British political system, and to have produced a rise in expectations and a proliferation of societal demands far beyond what the government could realistically be expected to fulfil. As such, the cure for Britain's malaise was often posed in terms of a re-drawing of the post-war settlement to enable a reassertion of strong and effective government (see, e.g., King, 1975;Brittan, 1977;Richardson and Jordan, 1979;Rose, 1979;Beer, 1982;Birch, 1984).…”

Section: Crisis Thatcherism and Beyondmentioning

confidence: 99%

In Defence of British Politics: The Past, Present and Future of the Discipline

Kerr

Kettell

2006

Br Polit

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In recent years the study of British politics has come under increasing pressure from a variety of developments within academia, most notably a growing trend towards analyses which take the international arena as the main focus of inquiry. This article argues that such changes have had a detrimental effect upon the status and cohesion of the study of British politics as a self-contained discipline, but that the recent decline of academic interest in 'British politics' has also been accelerated by the failure of British politics' scholars themselves to overcome the historical problems associated with the Westminster model. As such, this article traces the evolution of British politics as a field of study, and highlights some of the main challenges that it presently faces. Primarily, these are based around a lack of disciplinary coherence, an insufficient integration between theoretical and empirical, as well as historical and contemporary analyses, and an inadequate conceptualisation of continuity and change.

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Overload: Problems of Governing in the 1970s

Cited by 338 publications

References 0 publications

Depoliticisation: Principles, Tactics and Tools

Depoliticisation: Principles, Tactics and Tools

Representation through corporatisation: municipal corporations in Italy as arenas for local democracy

In Defence of British Politics: The Past, Present and Future of the Discipline

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