Overtly Anaphoric Control in Type Logical Grammar

Abstract

Abstract. In this paper we analyse anaphoric pronouns in control sentences and we investigate the implications of these kinds of sentences in relation to the Propositional Theory versus Property Theory question. For these purposes, we invoke the categorial calculus with limited contraction, a conservative extension of Lambek calculus that builds contraction into the logical rules for a customized slash type-constructor.

Calculating Zero Pronominals in Situ: A Type Logical Approach

“…is is our goal in the present study. It differs from earlier extensions of LLC in such a way that it is a direct logical expansion, rather than a lexical enrichment that includes anaphoric slash in the categories of control verbs [12], and may offer a more meticulous version for the noticing trending works of connecting TLG to computational distributional semantics [16][17][18][19][20]. In Section 2, we will flash out our theoretical assumptions for zero pronominals, then present the axiomatic presentation, Gentzen style sequent formulation, and labeled natural deduction of the new system LLCM in Sections 3-5, respectively, proving that LLCM is complete, sound, and decidable.…”

“…However, the dropped object cannot take the matrix subject as its antecedent, but as some other person known in the discourse. For example, in the Chinese discourse (12) below, pro in speaker B's answer can only refer to the object in A's question. Ideally, if our system allows the inserted pronominal to search its antecedent across the sentence border, it can derive (10) in the same way as that of (12) in Figure 6.…”

“…For example, in the Chinese discourse (12) below, pro in speaker B's answer can only refer to the object in A's question. Ideally, if our system allows the inserted pronominal to search its antecedent across the sentence border, it can derive (10) in the same way as that of (12) in Figure 6. Derivation for sentences like (11) that drops both subject and object is likewise.…”

“…Another way is to introduce into syntax a specifically designed operation to secure the pronominals a semantic interpretation as simple as an identity function. Hepple's permutation operator Δ [8], Jacobson's variable free semantics [9,10], and Jägor's Lambek calculus with Limited Contraction (LLC) [11] are all attempts of the sort, among which the last attracts the most attention and engenders a series of logical extensions for its theoretical simplicity [12][13][14][15].…”