Own height, sex, and liking in the judgment of the heights of others1

Ward, Charles D.

doi:10.1111/j.1467-6494.1967.tb01435.x

Cited by 21 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…Kassarjian (1963), for instance, found that people's voting intentions correlated with the perceived height of presidents: prior to the 1960 election between Kennedy and Nixon, 68.1% of those who planned to vote for Kennedy believed Kennedy to be taller, whereas only 47.3% of those who planned to vote for Nixon thought Kennedy was taller (Kennedy was actually slightly taller than Nixon). Similarly, Ward (1967) found that self-reported liking for President Lyndon B. Johnson was significantly correlated with his estimated height. Another striking example is reported by Singleton (1978): after Nixon fell from grace and was forced to leave office, people estimated that his successor, Jimmy Carter, was taller than the disgraced former president.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 92%

Tall claims? Sense and nonsense about the importance of height of US presidents

Stulp

Buunk

Verhulst³

et al. 2013

The Leadership Quarterly

116

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 92%

Tall claims? Sense and nonsense about the importance of height of US presidents

Stulp

Buunk

Verhulst³

et al. 2013

The Leadership Quarterly

116

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“…By contrast, general overestimates of a target quantity are less commonly reported. For example, although judgments of average height are correlated with own height, the mean of these judgments shows no bias (Ward 1967).…”

Section: Projection/false Consensusmentioning

confidence: 99%

Overestimating Others’ Willingness to Pay

Frederick

2012

J Consum Res

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This article documents a widespread bias: a tendency to overestimate how much others will pay for goods. The effect may influence pricing and negotiations, which depend on accurate assessments of others' valuations. It is also shown to underlie or interact with several widely researched behavioral phenomena, including egocentric empathy gaps, the endowment effect, and the false-consensus effect.A fter purchasing a box of Teuscher chocolate truffles for $104, I invited Armin (the shop's proprietor) to guess how much the typical student in my class would be willing to pay for it. After asking what I taught, where I taught, and the average age of my students, he paused and conjectured, "Around $65." In fact, my students were willing to pay just under $11. When those students were asked the same question, they made a similar error-overestimating how much their classmates would pay.In this article, I investigate the overestimation of willingness to pay and the widespread belief that others will pay more than oneself. This effect occurs not just for chocolate truffles but also for books, teddy bears, smoked salmon, sporting equipment, iPhones, artwork, gift certificates, gambles, a trip to the moon, and a magic pill that confers the ability to speak French. Indeed, the effect appears to hold for every good when judgments are averaged across people (and for most people when judgments are averaged across goods).Study 1 illustrates the basic effect. Study 2 reveals that the effect persists for hypothetical goods that have no associated market price on which to anchor judgments of others' values. Study 3 suggests that self-other differences in the enjoyment of goods do not explain the effect and suggests instead that it could be driven by an empathic failure to appreciate how others react to monetary payments. Studies 4 and 5 support this account-they show that the effect is eliminated when valuations are measured by selling prices rather than buying prices. The remainder of the article examines evidence for and against other accounts of this effect, possible implications for pricing and negotiations, and its relevance for interpreting other widely researched behavioral phenomena, including the endowment effect, egocentric empathy gaps, and the so-called false consensus effect. STUDY 1: OVERESTIMATING OTHERS' WILLINGNESS TO PAY Participants and ProcedureIn an introductory marketing class at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), 35 undergraduates participated in a second-price auction (Vickrey 1961) for 10 goods displayed on a table at the front of the class. They privately specified their own bids and guessed the median bid. Afterward, the highest bidders for each good paid the secondhighest bid and received their respective goods. Before guessing the median bid for each good, participants were told, truthfully, that the most accurate guesser for each good would earn up to $5 (up to $50 in total). Results and DiscussionRespondents overestimated the median bid by an average of 43% (see table 1). Here, distributio...

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“…The authors also demonstrated an own‐anchor effect in females' weight estimates of male targets, but this effect was weaker than in males' estimates. Based on these findings, Flin and Shepherd (see also MacLeod et al., 1994; Ward, 1967) argued that the own‐anchor effect is stronger for same‐gender height and weight estimates.…”

mentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Although the dominant picture from the own‐anchor/projection literature is that assimilation is most prevalent in same‐gender estimates (e.g., Robbins & Krueger, 2005), a couple of studies have also reported assimilation in women's cross‐gender estimates (Flin & Shepherd, 1986; Ward, 1967). Why is this the case?…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Women Assimilate Across Gender, Men Don't: The Role of Gender to the Own-Anchor Effect in Age, Height, and Weight Estimates1

Sörqvist

Langeborg

Eriksson

2011

Journal of Applied Social Psychology

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This paper reports 2 studies of the own‐anchor effect (i.e., assimilation in age, height, and weight estimates) in same‐ and cross‐gender age, height, and weight estimates. The own‐anchor effect is believed to be stronger for same‐gender estimates, but the investigation reported here is the first to test this hypothesis with participants and target persons of both genders. Several own‐anchor effects were found in females' same‐ and cross‐gender estimates, whereas males only showed own‐anchor effects in same‐gender estimates. These results lean toward the possibility that women assimilate across gender, whereas men do not. Explanations of these results with reference to Krueger's (Krueger & Zeiger, 1993; Robbins & Krueger, 2005) theory of social projection and the consequences for witness reliability are discussed.

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Own height, sex, and liking in the judgment of the heights of others1

Cited by 21 publications

References 10 publications

Tall claims? Sense and nonsense about the importance of height of US presidents

Tall claims? Sense and nonsense about the importance of height of US presidents

Overestimating Others’ Willingness to Pay

Women Assimilate Across Gender, Men Don't: The Role of Gender to the Own-Anchor Effect in Age, Height, and Weight Estimates1

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