Owned or Shared? Territorial Autonomy in the Minority Discourse

Palermo, Francesco

doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198746669.003.0002

Cited by 9 publications

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“…As we claimed, the predominant framework in approaching the Kosovo issue so far was TA approach, as exemplified by the 2013 Brussels Agreement. Following Stroschein and Palermo (Stroschein 2015;Palermo 2015) we submitted that, even if this Agreement would be taken as a framework for resolving the question of rights of Kosovo Serbs it would be hard to implement it in the case of Serbian religious and cultural heritage. Namely, as scholars readily observed, TA is less useful for a minority population scattered within a country or a wider region, and can hardly be applied to the case of Serbian heritage located in the areas with an absolute Albanian majority.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Therefore, in this article we advocate moving from the purely territorial and sovereignty approach to North Kosovo, to the NTA approach to Serbian enclaves and heritage in Kosovo, as a welcome change in the halted Serbian-Albanian dialogue. In this regard, we relied on the recent works of Stroschein (Stroschein 2015) and Palermo (Palermo 2015), both of which argued that the non-territorial autonomy is not a one-size-fits-all solution, and 2 Such interpretation is rather grounded in the text of the Agreement (Brussels Agreement 2013): "1. There will be an Association/Community of Serb majority municipalities in Kosovo.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Such arrangements require careful crafting and raise a host of issues to be worked through in practice, not least in the spheres of language use and education (for instance, how to negotiate the teaching of contested histories in schools?) (Palermo 2015). Also, the issue of national cultural autonomy has been a rather lively and fruitful field in Europe in recent decades (see: Smith and Hiden 2012), in particular the revival of Karl Renner's ideas of "extraterritorial cultural autonomy" (see: Smith and Hiden 2012:112), especially in Central and Eastern Europe and the Baltic states (Smith 2013: 27-55).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Beyond the territory principle: Non-territorial approach to the Kosovo question(s)

Čeriman

Pavlović

2020

Filoz drus

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This article presents an attempt to approach the dispute over Kosovo between Serbs and Albanians from a non-territorial perspective, with particular focus on the preservation of the Serbian cultural and religious heritage. First, we argue that the Kosovo issue is at present commonly understood as an either-or territorial dispute over sovereignty and recognition between Serbian and Kosovo Albanian politicians. However, we claim that a lasting resolution to the Kosovo issue actually needs to account for at least three separate aspects: 1) status of Northern Kosovo which is ethnically Serbian and still maintains various ties with the Serbian state, 2) status of Serbian cultural and religious heritage, chiefly UNESCO world heritage Serbian medieval monasteries and churches and 3) the fact that the Serbian population in central Kosovo, i.e. south of the river Ibar, where most of the mentioned monasteries and churches are located, are located in small municipalities or enclaves of Serbs surrounded by vast Albanian populations. We examine the applicability of the non- territorial approach (NTA) to the Kosovo issue by analyzing the normative framework directly regulating the Serbian cultural and religious heritage in Kosovo, its preservation and protection, particularly of Serbian Orthodox monasteries, churches and other historical and cultural sites, while comparing these regulations to the existing normative NTAs in Croatia and Montenegro. Arguably, since most Serbian monasteries and churches are not included in any sovereignty negotiations, we point to the potential to combine territorial and non-territorial approaches, regardless of the continued obstacles in implementation arising from continued contestation of Kosovo?s sovereign status.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Beyond the territory principle: Non-territorial approach to the Kosovo question(s)

Čeriman

Pavlović

2020

Filoz drus

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“…It offers minorities the option of substantive cultural self-determination without linking it to territorial autonomy, with all the centrifugal tendencies the latter may awaken." 8 Of particular note here is recent work by Francesco Palermo (2015), who distinguishes between autonomy granted to a territory and all of its inhabitants ("autonomy to") and autonomy granted to an ethnic group that constitutes the majority within a territory ("autonomy for"). Whereas the latter approach strengthens ethnic-based claims to ownership and excludes local "minorities within minorities," the former offers the possibility to develop pluralistic regional identities and institutional arrangements that accommodate all communities through a combination of territorial and nonterritorial approaches.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Introduction to the Special Issue on National Cultural Autonomy in Diverse Political Communities: Practices, Challenges, and Perspectives

Smith

2020

Nationalities Papers

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Numerous contemporary examples attest to the continued political salience of ethnic identification. This is the case even in multi-ethnic societies bound together by a strong overarching sense of patriotism, but it is most especially so in contexts where ethnicity has historically functioned as the building block of modern nations (Rudolph 2006). Since today’s world contains many more ethnoculturally defined nations than it does states, a tension persists between the principle of self-determination of peoples and the principle of territorial integrity of existing polities (Dembinska, Máracz, and Tonk 2014). The almost invariable overlapping of different ethno-national populations within the same territorial space renders the nation-state concept inherently problematic as a modality for ethnically based self-determination, for while all nation-state projects dictate cultural uniformity, all must contend with differing degrees of pluralism. Within the nation-state frame, those who do not profess belonging to the dominant ethnocultural community are consigned to the category of “national minority” and thereby deemed an anomaly and a barrier to the creation of a “good political order.”1 In this context, claims by minority national and ethnic communities for recognition of collective rights can be easily construed as a threat to the security of the state and its dominant ethno-national group, leading to situations of tension and—in the worst case—open conflict.

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“…It has, however, since been comprehensively debunked by a range of authors arguing from both a practical and a normative standpoint (Bauböck, 2001;Kymlicka, 2007;Purger, 2012). Today it is widely held that while NTA may be well-suited to the needs of some smaller and territorially dispersed minorities, in other contexts it is best regarded as a complement to territorially based arrangements rather than as some kind of 'one-size-fits-all' approach to containing national minority demands within sovereign states (Palermo, 2015;Purger, 2012). This view is indeed reflected in ECRML, which clearly distinguishes between the needs of 'non-territorial' minority languages and those that can be clearly identified with a particular area of a state.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Introduction: Realising Linguistic, Cultural and Educational Rights Through Non-Territorial Autonomy

Smith

Dodovski

2022

Realising Linguistic, Cultural and Educational Rights Through Non-Territorial Autonomy

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This volume brings together a body of expertise gathered within ENTAN—European Non-Territorial Autonomy Network (www.entan.org), a European Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST) Action dedicated to analysing the concept of Non-Territorial Autonomy (NTA) and its potential to accommodate the needs of different ethno-cultural and ethnolinguistic communities within a single state framework. Associated in terms of its origins with ideas developed by Austrian Social Democrats Karl Renner and Otto Bauer during the final years of the Habsburg Empire, NTA was originally conceived as a way of resolving rival group-based claims for territorial sovereignty.

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Owned or Shared? Territorial Autonomy in the Minority Discourse

Cited by 9 publications

References 0 publications

Beyond the territory principle: Non-territorial approach to the Kosovo question(s)

Beyond the territory principle: Non-territorial approach to the Kosovo question(s)

Introduction to the Special Issue on National Cultural Autonomy in Diverse Political Communities: Practices, Challenges, and Perspectives

Introduction: Realising Linguistic, Cultural and Educational Rights Through Non-Territorial Autonomy

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