Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf: Pakistan’s Iconic Populist Movement

Yilmaz, Ihsan; Shakil, Kainat

doi:10.55271/op0004

Cited by 14 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 1 publication

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Treatment coverage is up to Rs. 400,000 per family member per year, which can potentially be extended on a case-tocase basis (Yilmaz and Shakil, 2021). This initiative is crucial considering that over 70% of healthcare expenses in Pakistan are borne out-of-pocket, disproportionately affecting the lower middle class and impoverished populations (Bashir and Kishwar, 2021).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Awareness, Utilization, and Satisfaction of Sehat Card Plus at a Tertiary Care Hospital in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa: A Cross-Sectional Study

IMRAN,

IQBAL,

SHER

et al. 2024

Biol Clin Sci Res J

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Over 930 million individuals worldwide face significant financial barriers when seeking essential healthcare services, with more than 100 million people annually being pushed into extreme poverty due to healthcare expenses. The main objective of this study is to find the awareness, utilization, and satisfaction of Sehat Card Plus at a tertiary care hospital in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. This cross-sectional study was conducted at a private tertiary care hospital in Peshawar, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, from August 2022 to January 2023. The study included 463 patients visiting the tertiary care hospital. A structured questionnaire was developed to gather data on participants' awareness of the Sehat Card Plus program, their utilization of the card for healthcare services, and their satisfaction with its benefits and coverage. Data was collected from 463 patients. The mean age was 42±11.5 years, with 45% female and 55% male participants. Socioeconomic status analysis revealed that 67% of participants belonged to low-income households, while 17% were classified as middle-income and 16% as high-income. 82% of respondents were aware of the Sehat Card Plus program, with television/radio being the most common source of awareness (33%), followed by word of mouth (29%) and social media (27%). However, only 73% knew who was eligible for the program, and 53% knew the services covered. It is concluded that awareness of the Sehat Card Plus program is notable, but substantial gaps exist in understanding eligibility criteria and covered services among participants. Satisfaction with services under this program is moderately high, and the population has a significant demand for the government to introduce similar schemes.

show abstract

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Awareness, Utilization, and Satisfaction of Sehat Card Plus at a Tertiary Care Hospital in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa: A Cross-Sectional Study

IMRAN,

IQBAL,

SHER

et al. 2024

Biol Clin Sci Res J

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Since the start of his political career, Khan has targeted the opposition parties-the PML-N and PPP-as the corrupt elites Yilmaz & Shakil, 2021a;2021b). Khan's Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI) has also targeted other political parties/leadership as friends of the West and India.…”

Section: Rise Of Populism In Turkey and Pakistanmentioning

confidence: 99%

Islamist Populists in Power: Promises, Compromises and Attacks on Democratic Institutions

Yilmaz¹,

Ahmed²,

Bashirov³

et al. 2022

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper comparatively examines the ruling religious populist governments in Turkey and Pakistan through a theoretical framework that focuses on populists’ promises, their compromises, and their attacks on democratic institutions. Through our three-legged framework, we examine how these religious populists behave in power and how strategic necessities, the realities of governing, and structural constraints shape their policies. Similar to the other populists in other parts of the world, before coming to power, Islamist populists make sweeping promises to the people and quick fixes to major problems of the country—most famously, quick and substantial economic development. While they may want to retain their uncompromising style and lofty goals, the realities of governing force populists to make serious compromises to their designated ‘enemies’ and on their values once they are in power. Finally, like other authoritarian politicians, Islamist populists attack formal institutions of democracy such as the judiciary, the media, and civil society; they politicize them, evacuate them, and eventually capture them from within. Keywords: Religion, populism, Islamism, authoritarianism, populists in power, democratic backsliding, Turkey, Pakistan

show abstract

“…Such rhetoric combined with constant narratives of corruption and the support of the establishment, landed PTI in power. However, soon after taking office, the party found itself taking 'U-turns' on many fronts (Yilmaz & Shakil, 2021c). From going to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for a bailout package to relying on "electable" candidates to the win the 2018 elections, Khan and PTI repeatedly contradicted their promises.…”

Section: The Case Of Khanmentioning

confidence: 99%

Manufacturing Civilisational Crises: Instrumentalisation of Anti-Western Conspiracy Theories for Populist Authoritarian Resilience in Turkey and Pakistan

Yilmaz¹,

Shakil²

2022

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper looks at the importance of ‘crisis events’ used by leaders employing populist civilisational populism in Muslim democracies. While populism is widely acknowledged and studied as part of early twentieth century political developments, various aspects remain unexplored. One feature is how populists make use of a crisis. While populists do benefit from social and political rifts, this paper goes a step further and argues that civilisationalist populists create imaginary and exaggerated ‘crises’ to sustain and prolong their relevance/position in power as well as justify their undemocratic actions. Using the case studies of Turkey (Recep Tayyip Erdogan) and Pakistan (Imran Khan) allows for a comparison to be drawn between two different leaders seeking to maintain power by using their position to either create civilizationalist crises or to frame ordinary crises as civilisational. The findings highlight that despite different political scenarios and outcomes, both these populist leaders gained political support by creating crises. We find that in most cases, populists exaggerate pre-existing insecurities and events to their benefit. The overblown claims and conspiratorial scenarios aid populists in creating a niche for their narratives by reaffirming their populist categorisation of societies. At the same time, the findings bring forth the troubling issues of the social-political cost of these Islamist civilisationalist populists.

show abstract

Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf: Pakistan’s Iconic Populist Movement

Cited by 14 publications

References 1 publication

Awareness, Utilization, and Satisfaction of Sehat Card Plus at a Tertiary Care Hospital in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa: A Cross-Sectional Study

Awareness, Utilization, and Satisfaction of Sehat Card Plus at a Tertiary Care Hospital in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa: A Cross-Sectional Study

Islamist Populists in Power: Promises, Compromises and Attacks on Democratic Institutions

Manufacturing Civilisational Crises: Instrumentalisation of Anti-Western Conspiracy Theories for Populist Authoritarian Resilience in Turkey and Pakistan

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About