Palatalization

Kochetov, Alexei

doi:10.1002/9781444335262.wbctp0071

Cited by 17 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 20 publications

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“…In the hierarchy of (31), */ɛ/'s contrastive sister is */a/, which accounts for the new merger patterns. Perhaps more striking is the restriction of palatalization to */ɛ/, which is unexpected in light of the general cross-linguistic tendency for /i/ to be the preferred trigger of palatalization (Kochetov 2011), as is the case in Proto-and Central Algonquian. In those languages, both */i/ and */ɛ/ have the feature [+front] (or [+coronal]), which tends to be associated with vowels that trigger palatalization; */ɛ/ also has the feature [þlow], which tends to inhibit its ability to trigger palatalization.…”

Section: Contrast Shift In Algonquian Vowel Systemsmentioning

confidence: 98%

The road not taken:The Sound Pattern of Russianand the history of contrast in phonology

Dresher

Hall²

2020

J. Ling.

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This article examines a turning point in the history of the theory of phonological distinctive features. In Morris Halle’s (1959) The Sound Pattern of Russian, features are organized into a contrastive hierarchy designed to minimize the number of specified features. Redundancy rules, however, ensure that the resulting underspecification has no real phonological consequences and, in subsequent generative approaches to phonology, contrastive hierarchies were largely abandoned. We explore how Halle’s hierarchy would have been different if it had been based on phonological patterns such as voicing assimilation, and show that this reorganization makes plausible predictions about other aspects of Russian phonology. We conclude by pointing to recent work in which the concept of a contrastive hierarchy has been revived, illustrating the range of phenomena that this theoretical device can account for if minimizing specifications is not the primary concern.

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Section: Contrast Shift In Algonquian Vowel Systemsmentioning

confidence: 98%

The road not taken:The Sound Pattern of Russianand the history of contrast in phonology

Dresher

Hall²

2020

J. Ling.

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“…In traditional terms, palatalization is a type of consonant mutation that is caused by a following front vowel or a palatal glide. Palatalization has its diachronic roots in the phonologization of coarticulatory effects between a consonant and the following front vowel or a palatal glide (Jakobson 1929(Jakobson /1962Bateman 2007;Kochetov 2011). In phonological analyses, palatalization has been represented as agreement in certain features between a consonant and a following vowel.…”

Section: Representing Consonant Mutations In Polishmentioning

confidence: 99%

The strength of morphophonological schemas: Consonant mutations in Polish

Czaplicki

2021

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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Selective elimination of consonant mutations in Polish provides evidence supporting construction-based sublexicons and morphophonological schemas extracted from them. Morphophonological schemas exhibit various strength depending on their type frequency, they refer to morpheme-specific classes of segments and their impact is continuously mediated by paradigm uniformity pressures. A low-frequency and a highfrequency pattern are analyzed: agent nouns in-ist-a/-yst-a and diminutives in-ek. Two kinds of frequency are important predictors of pattern modification: type frequency and token frequency. As for the impact of type frequency, the less frequent a pattern is in the lexicon, the more susceptible it is to modifications promoted by paradigm uniformity. Schemas are ranked based on the type frequency of the morphological patterns they encode and interact with paradigm uniformity constraints. Schemas representing less frequent patterns are outranked by paradigm uniformity constraints and are thus more likely to be modified than those representing more frequent patterns. Regarding token frequency, the greater stability of high-frequency words than comparable low-frequency words is linked to their strong representations and a constraint promoting the use of stored representations. The continuous effect of paradigm uniformity effects gets support from the results of a nonce-word experiment.

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“…The typological rarity of such cases may be due to the rarity of feature hierarchies like (42). More expected is the fact that the palatalizations in question involve dorsal consonants, which, according to Kochetov (2011), are "almost Dresher,Harvey & Oxford 20 */ɛ/ and */a/ under the new hierarchy. A single contrast shift thus accounts for the patterning of a large number of phonological changes across the Algonquian family.…”

Section: The Eastern and Western Algonquian Languagesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Contrastive feature hierarchies as a new lens on typology

Dresher¹,

Harvey²,

Oxford³

2018

Phonological Typology

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We propose a way of looking at phonological typology that is based on a fundamental distinction between a phonetic and phonological analysis of the sound systems of languages. We build on approaches to phonology pioneered by Sapir and the Prague School (Jakobson and Trubetzkoy), instantiated within a generative grammar. We view phonemes as being composed of contrastive features that are themselves organized into language-particular hierarchies. We propose that these contrastive feature hierarchies shed light on synchronic and diachronic phonological patterns, and therefore offer a new lens on phonological typology. Thus, on this view the subject matter for typological investigation is not a phonetic sound (e.g., [i]) or a phoneme (/i/), or even a phonemic inventory (/i, a, u/), but an inventory generated by a feature hierarchy: for example, /i, a, u/ generated by the hierarchy [low] > [round]. This yields a different set of representations from the same terminal symbols generated by the hierarchy [round] > [low]. We will illustrate this approach to phonological representations with a synchronic analysis of Classical Manchu, and then show how it accounts for the results of typological surveys of rounding harmony in Manchu-Tungusic, Eastern Mongolian, and Turkic, and for the distribution of palatalization in Yupik-Inuit dialects. We will then propose that contrast shift should be recognized as a type of phonological change, and show how it applies to diachronic developments of the Algonquian and Ob-Ugric vowel systems. We find that feature hierarchies can be relatively stable, but contrast shifts do occur, for various reasons, and these can result in dramatic differences in patterning. Harvey's analysis of Ob-Ugric also shows that elements of feature hierarchies can spread and be borrowed, like other aspects of linguistic structure. As Sapir (1925) proposed, languages whose phonemes line up in similar ways (i.e., have similar contrastive feature hierarchies) show similar phonological patterning, though they may differ considerably in their phonetic realizations. We conclude that contrastive feature hierarchies provide an interesting level of representation for typological research.

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Palatalization

Cited by 17 publications

References 20 publications

The road not taken:The Sound Pattern of Russianand the history of contrast in phonology

The road not taken:The Sound Pattern of Russianand the history of contrast in phonology

The strength of morphophonological schemas: Consonant mutations in Polish

Contrastive feature hierarchies as a new lens on typology

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