Parables of Coercion

Kimmel, Seth

doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226278315.001.0001

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“…Early and late modern participants in debates about the Moriscos have often marshaled the figure of the Morisco to their own scholarly and political objectives-to justify comparative Semitic philology in the 16th century or to drum up support for military excursions in North Africa in the 16th, 19th, and 20th centuries, for instance. Parallel examples of this simultaneous invention and deployment of the figure of the Morisco include 16th-century canon lawyers' participation in debates about the Moriscos in order to make the case for scholastic expertise as a tool of governance or to pursue the canonization of particular colleagues; late 16th-and early 17th-century historians similarly grappled with Morisco history in order to reimagine the methods and standards of evidence that then defined the craft of history (Fiume, 2014;Kimmel, 2015). There is no unmediated access to individuals' religious beliefs; nor is there any free passage through these partisan framings of the Morisco question into the cultural and religious realities of the Morisco him or herself.…”

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The Morisco question: Methodology and historiography

Kimmel

2019

History Compass

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The first half of this essay offers an introduction to the history of the Moriscos, from their forced conversion from Islam to Christianity in the early 16th century to their expulsion from the Crowns of Castile and Aragon in the early 17th century. The Morisco period begins a decade after the fall of Nasrid Granada in 1492, which brought the centuries‐long history of al‐Andalus to a close, but which did not, however, mark the definitive end to Iberian Islam. Although some Moriscos came to embrace Christianity, a significant portion of the Morisco community found ways privately to maintain aspects of their Muslim identity even while publicly participating in the life of the Church. This was a state of affairs that aroused the interest of the Spanish Inquisition, as well as a host of other civil and ecclesiastical authorities. The second half of this essay focuses on recent scholarship that draws connections between this community of peninsular New Christians and broader debates in both the early and late modern periods about interreligious relations, religion and governance, and the mass movement of peoples across political borders.

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The Morisco question: Methodology and historiography

Kimmel

2019

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Beyond Babel

Brewer-García

2020

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During an ocean voyage from Panama to Lima in December 1618, young Jesuit student Gerónymo Pallas's party reached shore at the port of San Mateo, on the coast of contemporary Ecuador, after surviving a menacing storm. According to his account, upon arrival in San Mateo, Pallas and his weary fellow travelers encountered a community of indios mulatos inhabiting the area. By speaking to one who knew Spanish, the Jesuit pilgrims learned the history of the community. According to the informant, more than a generation earlier, African survivors of a shipwrecked slave ship founded the community after swimming ashore and fighting against the men of the indigenous community inhabiting the coast at the time. The new community consisted of the children born to the indigenous women of the area and the African castaways: "Los hijos pues destos negros conquistadores y de aquellas indias son los que hasta oy duran y se llaman indios mulatos" [The children of these black conquistadors and those indigenous women who live there today and are called indios mulatos]. 1 Throughout the rest of his description of the inhabitants of the area near San Mateo, Pallas variably refers to the members of this community as negros, mulatos, and indios mulatos. 2 Algunos ay que saben hablar en lengua española porque van y vienen a la ciudad de Quito, que dista pocas leguas, y destos era uno el que habló con los padres en la plaia. Los otros hablarán un lenguage que no avrá calepino que lo interprete, porque será mesclado y corrompido de una lengua india y de treynta differencias de Guineo, porque cuantas castas vienen de negros tantas son las diversidades de lenguas que ay entre ellos, y por esto se dize todos somos negros y no nos entendemos.[There are some who know how to speak the Spanish language, because they come and go from the City of Quito, which is only a few days' travel away. And one of those spoke with the fathers on the beach. The others spoke a language that no dictionary could interpret, as it is a mixture and corruption of one indigenous tongue and thirty different kinds of Guinean, because there are as many different languages among blacks as there are castas among them. And that is why it is said: we are all blacks, and we do not understand each other.] 3By invoking the adage "todos somos negros y no nos entendemos" [we are all blacks, and we do not understand each other], Pallas associates blackness with diverse, corrupt, and incomprehensible speech and implies that all black men and women are bozales. 4 First used in the mid-fifteenth century as a term for an undomesticated horse, bozal emerged soon afterward as a label for black men or women

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2020

Beyond Babel

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Parables of Coercion

Cited by 27 publications

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The Morisco question: Methodology and historiography

The Morisco question: Methodology and historiography

Beyond Babel

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