Abstract:This paper examines arguments by activists and economists surrounding attempts to establish minimum wages for women in the United States in the Progressive Era. In particular, the paper focuses on analyses based on Beatrice and SidneyWebbs' argument that industries paying less than a living wage were "parasitic" on the society, a net drain on macro-efficiency. This analysis, widely accepted among economists of the time, viewed women as particularly vulnerable workers facing labor markets that were institutiona… Show more
“…Here again the average low-skilled worker is under more pressure to reach a deal, since he/she typically lives from weekly wage to weekly wage and has small savings or other income/assets, while the company has much deeper financial reserves and less immediate need to get the job filled. The greater the worker's needs and the thinner the fall-back resources, the more desperate the person becomes for work and the lower the reservation wage -explaining in part the low pay and poor conditions of vulnerable groups such as unskilled single women with dependant children (Power 1999). The result of workers' fewer choices and resources is to shift the market labour supply curve to the right.…”
Section: Labour's Inequality Of Bargaining Powermentioning
Neoclassical economists, using a competitive demand/supply model of labour markets, typically conclude a legislated minimum wage is harmful to economic efficiency and social welfare. The major theoretical counter-attack by proponents of a minimum wage is to argue that low-wage labour markets are better modelled as monopsonistic. This article develops and formalizes a second theoretical defence for a legal minimum wage law. This defence rests on the concept of the "social cost of labour", as originally popularized by Sidney and Beatrice Webb and then further developed by American institutional economists. This analysis is unique in that it continues to use the competitive demand/supply model but nonetheless demonstrates that a legislated minimum wage often simultaneously increases "both" economic efficiency and fairness, unlike the neoclassical prediction. Copyright (c) Blackwell Publishing Ltd/London School of Economics 2009.
“…Here again the average low-skilled worker is under more pressure to reach a deal, since he/she typically lives from weekly wage to weekly wage and has small savings or other income/assets, while the company has much deeper financial reserves and less immediate need to get the job filled. The greater the worker's needs and the thinner the fall-back resources, the more desperate the person becomes for work and the lower the reservation wage -explaining in part the low pay and poor conditions of vulnerable groups such as unskilled single women with dependant children (Power 1999). The result of workers' fewer choices and resources is to shift the market labour supply curve to the right.…”
Section: Labour's Inequality Of Bargaining Powermentioning
Neoclassical economists, using a competitive demand/supply model of labour markets, typically conclude a legislated minimum wage is harmful to economic efficiency and social welfare. The major theoretical counter-attack by proponents of a minimum wage is to argue that low-wage labour markets are better modelled as monopsonistic. This article develops and formalizes a second theoretical defence for a legal minimum wage law. This defence rests on the concept of the "social cost of labour", as originally popularized by Sidney and Beatrice Webb and then further developed by American institutional economists. This analysis is unique in that it continues to use the competitive demand/supply model but nonetheless demonstrates that a legislated minimum wage often simultaneously increases "both" economic efficiency and fairness, unlike the neoclassical prediction. Copyright (c) Blackwell Publishing Ltd/London School of Economics 2009.
“…Third, the analysis focused on the effects of low wages on the community as a whole, putting priority on the macro-efficiency of labor market outcomes. (Power 1999:63) This argument in relation to parasitic workers and industries was deployed in the original debates on establishing a minimum wage in the US and has resurfaced recently in the form of the living wage campaigns in the US (Power 1999). It could be argued that the lack of an effective social welfare systems in the US coupled with a higher predominance of racial in addition to gender inequalities has heightened the importance of low pay in poverty prevention (Schmitt 2009) and also extended the concerns over low pay to men as well as women.…”
“…One can legitimately disagree with most or all of the institutional side of the argument but, surely, it (like other heterodox perspectives) at least deserves an open hearing and careful examination. Thus, I endeavor to fill in this lacuna by sketching the institutional case for a legal minimum wage, drawing on several articles and books written by other institutionally oriented economists that have so far remained outside the mainstream literature (for example , Linder 1989;Craypo 1997;Prasch 1998;Power 1999;Levin-Waldman 2001, 2009. I start with the stated purpose of the minimum wage, with attention on the American case.…”
Debate among labor economists on the pros and cons of a minimum wage law has come to focus on whether labor markets are competitive or monopsonistic. Using principles and concepts of institutional economics, the author argues that this perspective on minimum wages is too narrow. In particular, he uses institutional theory to develop four theoretical rationales for minimum wage legislation: setting a floor on wages to offset imperfect competition and inequality of bargaining power; promote macroeconomic stabilization and full employment; contribute to long-term efficiency and growth; and incorporate labor market externalities and social costs of labor. One revisionist implication is that a minimum wage under plausible conditions may increase economic efficiency even in a purely competitive labor market.
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