1993
DOI: 10.1515/tlir.1993.10.3.189
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Parasitic Metrification in the Modern Hebrew stress system

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Cited by 35 publications
(23 citation statements)
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“…There has not been much research on the intonational phonology of IH in general; on the phrase level (e.g., Amir, Silber-Varod, & Izre'el, 2004;Becker, 2003;Izre'el, Hary, & Rahav, 2001;Laufer, 1987Laufer, , 1996Mixdorff & Amir 2002), and even less research in developmental prosody on the word level (e.g., Ben-David, 2001) and for developmental clinical prosody (e.g., Adi-Bensaid & Bat-El, 2004;Adi-Bensaid, 2006;Frank, 1989;Frank, Bergman, & Tobin, 1987). However, the stress pattern of IH has been relatively well studied (e.g., Bat-El, 1993;Becker, 2003;Berman, 1978;Bolozky, 1978;Falk, 1996;Graf & Ussishkin, 2001;Mel cuk & Podolsky, 1996;Rosén, 1977) and demonstrates that primary stress usually occurs on the final syllable, with secondary stress occurring on alternating syllables to the left. Stress in IH nouns is mostly ultimate or penultimate.…”
Section: Israeli Hebrew (Ih) and Prosodymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…There has not been much research on the intonational phonology of IH in general; on the phrase level (e.g., Amir, Silber-Varod, & Izre'el, 2004;Becker, 2003;Izre'el, Hary, & Rahav, 2001;Laufer, 1987Laufer, , 1996Mixdorff & Amir 2002), and even less research in developmental prosody on the word level (e.g., Ben-David, 2001) and for developmental clinical prosody (e.g., Adi-Bensaid & Bat-El, 2004;Adi-Bensaid, 2006;Frank, 1989;Frank, Bergman, & Tobin, 1987). However, the stress pattern of IH has been relatively well studied (e.g., Bat-El, 1993;Becker, 2003;Berman, 1978;Bolozky, 1978;Falk, 1996;Graf & Ussishkin, 2001;Mel cuk & Podolsky, 1996;Rosén, 1977) and demonstrates that primary stress usually occurs on the final syllable, with secondary stress occurring on alternating syllables to the left. Stress in IH nouns is mostly ultimate or penultimate.…”
Section: Israeli Hebrew (Ih) and Prosodymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In contrast, phonological stress is predictable and is assigned, when no lexical properties are specified for stem and/or suffix, to the rightmost accented syllable. Despite these differences, stress in both languages is closely associated with allophonic vowel lengthening (Bat-El, 1993;Becker, 2003).…”
Section: The Phonologies Of Russian and Hebrewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These questions are crucial to both reading theory and practice. As such, the extent to which phonological awareness may be characterized as a mechanical ability and, hence, a universal and language independent construct, as against a concept-based, language-specific linguistic ability is a central question in the psycholinguistics of reading (Byrne & Fielding-Barnsley, 1989, 1993Saiegh-Haddad, 2007a;Swan & Goswami, 1997; Thomas & Senechal, 2004). Understanding the language-specific demands imposed by the properties of a particular language on phonemic awareness, through systematic comparisons of how phonemic awareness, we well as other basic reading requisites, are accomplished in different languages, helps uncover variations in learning-to-read experiences in diverse languages.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Note, however, that this formulation involves syllables (phonological units), while our rules deal with morphs (morphological units). On the whole, however, there seem to be more differences than similarities: thus, Bat-El (1993) does not deal at all with the morphological component of the model, whereas in our approach stress assignment is presented as a morphological operation; Bat-El (1993) considers secondary stress and stress in smixut phrases, while we do not; etc. It is worth mentioning that for parallels in stress assignment in another Semitic language the interested reader might consult some publications on stress assignment in Arabic; see, for example, Angoujard (1986) and Bohas (1986) and the references cited therein.…”
mentioning
confidence: 98%