Particles and Deletion

Ott, Dennis; Struckmeier, Volker

doi:10.1162/ling_a_00277

Cited by 40 publications

(27 citation statements)

References 26 publications

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“…This view of deletion aligns it with deaccentuation, an alternative means of prosodic givenness-marking, which can likewise affect non-constituents (see Tancredi 1992, Chomsky and Lasnik 1993). 23 The insistence on single-constituent deletion has been argued to be problematic by Bruening (2015) and Ott and Struckmeier (2018) and is rejected in earlier works such as Hankamer (1979) and Morgan (1973).…”

Section: Theoretical Implicationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Swiping in a variety of Ontario French

Ott

Therrien

2019

Can. J. Linguist.

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This paper documents the existence of swiping – that is, inversion of a wh-phrase and its associated preposition under sluicing – in a non-Germanic language. We discuss swiping in a variety of Ontario French (Lafontaine French, LFF), which shares some of the characteristics of its extensively-studied English counterpart (Ross 1969, Merchant 2002, among others). We offer a preliminary description of swiping in LFF and consider some implications of these novel facts for the theory of swiping and sluicing. We suggest that LFF swiping supports an analysis in terms of non-constituent deletion, as originally suggested by Ross (1969) in his seminal work on sluicing.

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Section: Theoretical Implicationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“… 22 Ott and Struckmeier (2018: 400) also point out that this is the most natural analysis of swiping once clausal ellipsis is analyzed as background deletion rather than TP-deletion.…”

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confidence: 99%

Swiping in a variety of Ontario French

Ott

Therrien

2019

Can. J. Linguist.

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“… 18 It has been proposed in the literature that there are instances where deletion can actually target non-constituents (Abe 2016 ; An 2007 , 2016 , 2018 , 2019 ; Mukai 2003 , Ott and Struckmeier 2016 , 2018 , Sato and Maeda 2018 , among others). However, this does not mean that deletion is unconstrained.…”

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confidence: 99%

Reduced NP comparatives in Korean and their implications

2020

J East Asian Linguist

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In this paper, I examine a novel type of comparative construction in Korean, namely, reduced NP comparatives (RNC), and consider its implications. On the surface, RNC may appear to be a case of the usual NP comparative construction in that two NPs are involved. But, unlike typical NP comparatives, the element bearing the marker of the standard of comparison in RNC does not directly participate in the comparison, i.e., there is a mismatch between the standard and pivot. I argue this is due to the fact that the standard is reduced to leave only the pivot on the surface, hence the name "reduced" NP comparatives. I also argue that one of the factors that determines the availability of RNC is the notion of comparability, which is based on whether or not the compared elements can be associated with the same scale, where the scale is part of the semantics of the gradable predicate (Cf. Kennedy 2009). The interesting twist is that RNC is possible only if the relevant elements are not comparable with each other, i.e., they should denote different types of objects that cannot be associated with the same scale. Adopting Merchant's (The syntax of silence: sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis. Oxford University

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“…I am skeptical of the focus‐movement‐plus‐deletion approach to fragment answers for several reasons, one of which is that they do not seem to show island sensitivity in general, unlike Japanese RD. See Abe and Ott & Struckmeier for arguments against such an approach.…”

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confidence: 99%

Focus Licensing at the Left Periphery in Japanese Right Dislocation

Abe¹

2019

Syntax

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In this paper, I argue that there is a designated focus position in the CP layer in Japanese and that this position is activated only in limited contexts, such as ellipsis contexts. I argue that in fact one of the best cases for such a designated focus position involves Japanese right dislocation. Assuming the biclausal analysis of this construction, which involves ellipsis, I argue that the postverbal phrase occupies the position in the CP layer designated for a focused phrase. Finally, addressing the question of whether Focus projections can be activated only in root clauses, I investigate what may be called massively pied-piped cases of Japanese sluicing and demonstrate that Focus projections can be activated by the same types of embedded clauses as Topic projections.

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Particles and Deletion

Cited by 40 publications

References 26 publications

Swiping in a variety of Ontario French

Swiping in a variety of Ontario French

Reduced NP comparatives in Korean and their implications

Focus Licensing at the Left Periphery in Japanese Right Dislocation

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