2020
DOI: 10.1080/17457289.2019.1711099
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Partisanship, sexuality, and perceptions of candidates

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Cited by 13 publications
(12 citation statements)
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References 42 publications
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“…Our results reveal smaller penalties than the ones observed for gay politicians in earlier work (Golebiowska 2001; Haider-Markel 2010) and in studies considering hypothetical candidates (Magni and Reynolds 2021a). However, while other recent findings have suggested that sexual orientation is no longer penalizing when partisanship is taken into account (Haider-Markel et al 2020; Loepp and Redman 2020), our study cautions that the level of outness influences the discrimination experienced by sexual minority candidates. This emerged especially clearly when we measured support for Buttigieg on a 10-point scale beyond vote choice.…”
Section: Discussioncontrasting
confidence: 77%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…Our results reveal smaller penalties than the ones observed for gay politicians in earlier work (Golebiowska 2001; Haider-Markel 2010) and in studies considering hypothetical candidates (Magni and Reynolds 2021a). However, while other recent findings have suggested that sexual orientation is no longer penalizing when partisanship is taken into account (Haider-Markel et al 2020; Loepp and Redman 2020), our study cautions that the level of outness influences the discrimination experienced by sexual minority candidates. This emerged especially clearly when we measured support for Buttigieg on a 10-point scale beyond vote choice.…”
Section: Discussioncontrasting
confidence: 77%
“…Its relevance has arguably increased in times of growing polarization, so that candidates' partisanship may trump other considerations (Mason 2018). At least one study on hypothetical gay candidates manipulated partisanship and found that the impact of sexual orientation significantly decreases when voters have information about candidates' party ID (Loepp and Redman 2020).…”
Section: Lgbtq Candidates and Electionsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Here, the literature seems unanimous in its assessment: the electoral success of LGBTIQ+ candidates is generally associated with electorates made up of highly educated, higher-income, younger, secular and more socially diverse voters with liberal attitudes (Button et al, 1999;Haider-Markel, 2010;Reynolds, 2013;Haider-Markel et al, 2017;Jones et al, 2018;Magni andReynolds, 2018b, 2021). Conversely, more conservative, religious and less socially diverse contexts, often with right-wing parties in power, 'older' in age and with lower levels of education, are detrimental to LGBTIQ+ candidates' electoral performance (Reynolds, 2013;Haider-Markel et al, 2017;Miller et al, 2017;Jones et al, 2018;Magni and Reynolds, 2018b;Loepp and Redman, 2022). Moreover, descriptive representation is also important for electoral outcomes, as gender-non-conforming people will exhibit greater support for LGBTIQ+ candidates (Haider-Markel et al, 2017).…”
Section: What: Substantive Findingsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Past work provides evidence to suggest that interest-based mechanisms for affinity are plausible. LGBT politicians are often stereotyped as more liberal or left-leaning (Jones and Brewer 2019; Loepp and Redman 2022). In contexts in which LGBT voters are also more liberal or left-leaning, including Canada and the United States (Egan 2012; Guntermann and Beauvais 2022; Hertzog 1996; Perrella, Brown, and Kay 2012, 2019), there could be affinity through policy or ideological stereotyping.…”
Section: Gender Lgbt and Intersecting Affinitiesmentioning
confidence: 99%