Party Campaigning in the 1980s

Herrnson, Paul S.

doi:10.4159/harvard.9780674418530

Cited by 94 publications

(68 citation statements)

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“…Amongst House challengers in 2004, ''99 percent of these funds went to help challengers who were already among the top 10 percent of spenders'' (Jacobson 2006, p. 197). While parties may not be coordinating messages with their candidates when spending independently, they have a strong incentive to go beyond merely giving their candidates lists of consulting firms to contact, as they had in the 1980s (Herrnson 1988), to finding ways to select their preferred consultants to work directly with candidates in targeted races while the party campaigns for them ''independently.'' If consultant reputation matters to parties, then the statistical relationships evidenced here might reflect party decision making, rather than that of consultants or candidates.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The political party campaign committees provide their House nominees with lists of approved consultants and vendors (Herrnson 1988). In addition, there is an ''unofficial wing'' of the party made up of lobbyists, financial contributors, and other actors who function as advisors to party officials and candidates.…”

Section: Status-hunting Congressional Challengers and Status-holding mentioning

confidence: 99%

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An Elite Theory of Political Consulting and Its Implications for U.S. House Election Competition

Cain

2010

Polit Behav

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Does the hiring of political consultants make election races more competitive? If so, why? Most scholars of political consulting argue their expertise enhances competition; I argue that consultant reputation also boosts competition. Many political consultants are part of the Washington establishment, which notices their association with candidates. In particular, congressional candidates of the out party, especially challengers, have an incentive to hire the most reputable consultants to signal to political elites their viability. I demonstrate a positive empirical relationship between out-party candidates hiring top consultants (compared to less reputable ones) and how competitive their race is perceived by elites. These findings and theoretical insight provide a basis for understanding the high costs of political consultants and their impact on election outcomes.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Status-hunting Congressional Challengers and Status-holding mentioning

confidence: 99%

An Elite Theory of Political Consulting and Its Implications for U.S. House Election Competition

Cain

2010

Polit Behav

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“…Both in Congress and in state legislatures, party campaign committees have become major fund raisers, spenders, and contributors to candidates. Already the subject of a few excellent studies (Herrnson 1988, Gierzynski 1992, these activities continue to develop so as to justify further research. It is important to ask whether legislative campaign committees are replacing conventional extra-governmental party organizations by raising funds beyond the capacity of those organizations, and, if so, how satisfactorily they substitute for the mass membership activist parties that many political scientists favor.…”

Section: IImentioning

confidence: 99%

Research Directions

Epstein¹

1994

ARP

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An invitation to reflect generally on past and prospective parties research is appealing to an old-timer. I acknowledge the risk of drawing so much on earlier writing that my essay will be of a kind that I scorned a few decades ago when my senior colleagues repeated themselves. The risk is un-mistakable in my first section where I write about our discipline’s historical concern with political parties (Epstein 1986, 9-39). An abbreviated account of that concern, however, provides the intellectual context for the research questions that I shall later suggest for new or additional scholarly inquiry. In raising those questions, I am less likely to repeat myself because most of them are on subjects with which I have dealt only tangentially.

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“…Accordingly, the literature on candidate emergence has established that the prospects of candidates are directly influenced by the efforts of parties and party elites (Herrnson 1988;Kazee and Thornberry 1990;Herrnson and Gimpel 1995;Cohen et al 2008). Elites and parties recruit candidates to run for office (Kazee and Thornberry 1990;Kazee 1994;Maestas, Maisel, and Stone 2005;Broockman 2014) and sometimes dissuading certain candidates from running (Canon 1999;Sanbonmatsu 2006).…”

Section: Political Parties and Groups On Candidate Emergence And Successmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, largely understudied in this scholarship is the role of political parties and interest groups. While there is a long-established literature that examines the role of groups, parties and elites in determining candidate emergence (Herrnson 1988;Herrnson and Gimpel 1995;Cohen et al 2008), little is known about how the activities of groups and political networks specifically shape Latino representation in majority-minority districts. Much less is known about the potential link between political network activity and Latino substantive representation.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Wielding Influence of Political Networks: Representation in Majority-Latino Districts

Ocampo

2017

Political Research Quarterly

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Latino-majority congressional districts are far more likely to elect Latino representatives to Congress than majority-white districts. However, not all majority-Latino districts do so. This paper addresses this question and it investigates how the level of influence of political parties and interest groups in majority-Latino districts substantially shape Latino representation to the U.S. House of Representatives. I rely on five case studies and a dataset of candidates to open congressional races with a Latino population plurality from 2004-2014. The evidence indicates that groups and political networks are critical for Latino/a candidate recruitment, the organization of resources in a congressional district, the deployment of campaign resources on behalf of certain candidates and the eventual success of Latino candidates. The findings suggest that Latino descriptive and substantive representation are shaped by the wielding influence of political parties and interest groups.

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Party Campaigning in the 1980s

Cited by 94 publications

References 0 publications

An Elite Theory of Political Consulting and Its Implications for U.S. House Election Competition

An Elite Theory of Political Consulting and Its Implications for U.S. House Election Competition

Research Directions

The Wielding Influence of Political Networks: Representation in Majority-Latino Districts

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