Party Gatekeepers' Support for Viable Female Candidacy in PR-List Systems

Lühiste, Maarja

doi:10.1017/s1743923x14000580

Cited by 72 publications

(74 citation statements)

References 46 publications

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“…When different variances are expected for the two groups, this approach yields clearer results than a model with several gender interaction terms (see Luhiste 2015). The dependent variable takes value 1 when candidates are reselected and 0 when they are not.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The gender politics of executive candidate selection and reselection

Verge

Astudillo

2018

European J Political Res

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This research provides new theoretical and empirical insights into the gender politics of the springboards to chief executive office. The extremely masculinised composition of the relatively few top national executive positions has posed a serious impediment to empirically assessing the conditions that may facilitate women's under‐representation and men's over‐representation. To overcome this constraint, this study looks at the top regional executive office across four West European countries that present a multilevel state structure – namely Austria, Germany, Spain and the United Kingdom. Using two original datasets, the article examines the ways in which the selection and reselection of regional prime ministerial candidates is shaped by individual, organisational and institutional factors that produce heterogeneous experiences and career opportunities across sex. The results show that women have not shattered the glass ceiling at the regional level and pinpoint the fact that they are held to higher standards, benefit less from the political resources they possess and are more dependent on the decision environment in which parties select executive candidates. The conclusion is that the rules of the game guiding selection and reselection processes are strongly biased towards men.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The gender politics of executive candidate selection and reselection

Verge

Astudillo

2018

European J Political Res

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“…While all EU countries are required to use a proportional electoral system to elect their MEPs, individual Member States are free to vary the openness of ballot structure. As past research indicates that the openness of ballot structure is likely to influence women's electoral chances (Fortin‐Rittberger & Rittberger ; Luhiste ), we control for the presence or absence of preference vote option, with the latter being the baseline category.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Recent research in this area, however, offers mixed findings as to the impact of electoral rules on women's numerical representation in the EP. While Fortin‐Rittberger and Rittberger () find that variations in electoral rules between EU Member States do not have a systematic impact on the number of women among all candidates, studies focusing on viable candidacy suggest that the use of closed‐list PR increases women's party‐determined viability and chances of being elected to the EP (Luhiste ).…”

Section: Women's Representation In the European Parliamentmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Yet, this study makes no reference to women or gender, failing to ask, for example, whether career patterns and the 'costs' of becoming an MEP may differ between men and women. Meanwhile, those studies that do refer to gender tend to focus on the role of party-or country-level characteristics in shaping descriptive levels of female representation in the EP (see, e.g., Fortin-Rittberger & Rittberger 2014, 2015, but have not considered whether gender shapes the routes and pathways men and women take to the EP.…”

Section: Theorising Gendered Pathways To the European Parliamentmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Pathways to power: Women's representation in the 2014 European Parliament elections

Lühiste

Kenny

2016

European Journal of Political Research

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The 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections produced a record proportion of women MEPs overall (37 per cent). Yet, these results vary widely across countries and parties. This article aims to explain these variations, evaluating not only who the elected representatives of the 8th EP are, but also how they got there. Are the paths to the EP the same for women and men? Are there gender differences in terms of MEPs’ political experience? A unique dataset listing more than 700 elected MEPs and their background, party and country characteristics is used to empirically examine who makes it to the EP and through which route. The results of the analysis suggest no significant gender differences in the pathways to the EP. Yet, parties matter: more women were elected to the 8th EP from left‐wing than from right‐wing or ‘new’ parties, and both men and (especially) women representing right‐wing parties tend to be politically more experienced than their fellow MEPs from other types of parties. Furthermore, it is found that men are more likely than women to be promoted straight from party office to the EP, suggesting that some pathways to the EP are less open to women than others.

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“…MLM allows testing how variations in strength of microlevel relationships across higher-level units correlate with differences in contextual characteristics (e.g., whether variation in the employment-political participation linkage across years, countries, or states correlates with differences in welfare expenditures), without the risk of overestimating statistical significance. Alexander (2012) and Luhiste (2015) are clear examples from the Politics & Gender articles reviewed.…”

Section: Theorizing and Modeling Context Dependencymentioning

confidence: 99%

Multilevel Analysis as a Tool to Understand the Spatio-Temporality of Gender

Spierings¹

2016

Pol & Gen

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Gender: "culturally specific characteristics associated with masculinity and femininity . . . a wide range of . . . social roles assigned to men and women historically and cross-culturally" (Hawkesworth 2013, 36, emphasis added)Intersectionality: "that race, class, sexual orientation, nationality, and gender are not discrete markers of difference but rather intersection social structures of inequality experienced by individuals in specific social locations" (Ewig and Ferree 2013, 442, emphasis added)As illustrated by these definitions from the Oxford Handbook of Gender and Politics, context dependency is a defining characteristic of gender, since gender and intersectional inequalities differ spatially and temporarily in how they are organized. It is on this issue of context dependency where gender studies scholars often collide with (the application and interpretation) of regression-based statistical analysis in debates about quantitative methods (see Spierings 2012). In this reflection, I will briefly address where this tension comes from, focusing particularly on how (statistical) relationships vary in occurrence and strength between contexts. Next, I discuss three rather common archetypical responses to this tension that do little to resolve the issue. Subsequently, I focus on more profound solutions, including multilevel regression models, which challenge gender scholars to specify and develop their theoretical arguments on how and why relationships are context dependent. The different, bad, and better ways in which to deal with possible context dependency are illustrated by an assessment of their

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Party Gatekeepers' Support for Viable Female Candidacy in PR-List Systems

Cited by 72 publications

References 46 publications

The gender politics of executive candidate selection and reselection

The gender politics of executive candidate selection and reselection

Pathways to power: Women's representation in the 2014 European Parliament elections

Multilevel Analysis as a Tool to Understand the Spatio-Temporality of Gender

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