Party Images in the American Electorate

Brewer, Mark D.

doi:10.4324/9780203884492

Cited by 9 publications

(22 citation statements)

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“…The present study introduces an alternative conceptualization and measurement of the role of social identities in the religion-politics nexus. The argument draws on three interrelated literatures: (1) social categorization and self-stereotyping research (Tajfel 1978; Turner 1982; Lau 1989; Stryker 2000; Roccas and Brewer 2002; Crisp and Hewstone 2007); (2) scholarship that stresses the importance of the social labels attached to political parties (Bolce and De Maio 1999a; 1999b; 2007; 2008; Green, Palmquist, and Schickler 2002; Brewer 2009; Campbell, Green, and Layman 2011); and (3) recent evidence from political behavior research, which suggests that the causal link between religious and political variables may not be as simple as we have previously thought (Hout and Fischer 2002; Patrikios 2008; Putnam and Campbell 2010; Husser 2011).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Self-stereotyping as “Evangelical Republican”: An Empirical Test

Patrikios

2013

Politics and Religion

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The prominence of evangelical Christians in the electoral base of the Republican Party is a noted feature of recent American elections. This prominence is linked to a key stereotype that saturates public discourse: “born-again/evangelical Republicanism.” The stereotype fuses religious and partisan social group membership to create a composite social label. Using a social categorization approach, which challenges the assumptions and methods of existing research, the present analysis asks whether voters embrace this stereotype in their definitions of self. The article employs confirmatory factor analysis of religious and partisan identity constructs from a national internet survey, the 2008 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, and finds evidence of the presence of this religious-partisan stereotype in individual self-views, and of the backlash that it has produced, particularly among citizens that are exposed to public discourse on American elections.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Self-stereotyping as “Evangelical Republican”: An Empirical Test

Patrikios

2013

Politics and Religion

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“…This argument is closely related to the key assumptions underlying procedural cartel theory [18,19] that 1) a party's reputation depends significantly on its record of legislative accomplishment, and 2) that this reputation in turn affects the probability of successful election outcomes for party members; indeed, Cox and McCubbins ([19], p. 22) use the decline in popularity of congressional Republicans following the 1995-96 federal budget battle as the main motivating example to support the former of these assumptions. The latter assumption is supported by a number of empirical studies showing that party brand favorability significantly affects outcomes of presidential, congressional and state legislative elections [17,23,24].…”

Section: Gridlock and Electoral Accountability: Three Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 90%

Irresponsible parties, responsible voters? Legislative gridlock and collective accountability

2020

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Legislative gridlock is a failure of one of the key functions of government: to pass legislation. Can voters counter such political dysfunction? This paper examines whether and how voters hold politicians accountable for gridlock. We focus on the passage of the government budget, the central task of any legislature, and define a legislature to experience budgetary gridlock if it fails to pass the budget on time. We argue, based on evidence from twenty years of budget enactment data, that voters hold state legislators accountable for budget gridlock in US state governments, with gridlocked incumbents losing their seat more often than incumbents passing budgets on time. Based on established theories of party organization in American politics, we develop three competing theoretical hypotheses to guide our understanding of the observed patterns of retrospective voting. We find strong support for collective electoral accountability with voters punishing incumbent members of state legislature majority parties.

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“…A clear party image means that the party stakes out a position that contains little ambiguity as to where it stands on policy issues and what its concerns are (Brewer 2009). In 2010, for example, health care reform passed as a Democratic Party proposal and Republicans stood firmly against it.…”

Section: Jeffrey M Stonecashmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…(Brewer andStonecash 2009: 1661-83). The party won a total of only eight seats in House districts where Bush lost in 2004.…”

Section: Enduring Diversity and The Role Of Independentsmentioning

confidence: 99%

New Directions in Campaigns and Elections

Medvic¹

2011

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Each title provides a state-of-the-art overview of current trends in its respective subfield, with an eye toward cutting-edge research accessible to advanced undergraduate and beginning graduate students. While the volumes touch on the main topics of relevant study, they are not meant to cover the "nuts and bolts" of the subject. Rather, they engage readers in the most recent scholarship, real-world controversies, and theoretical debates with the aim of getting students excited about the same issues that animate scholars.

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Party Images in the American Electorate

Cited by 9 publications

References 0 publications

Self-stereotyping as “Evangelical Republican”: An Empirical Test

Self-stereotyping as “Evangelical Republican”: An Empirical Test

Irresponsible parties, responsible voters? Legislative gridlock and collective accountability

New Directions in Campaigns and Elections

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