Party Polarization in the US Congress

Theriault, Sean M.

doi:10.1177/1354068806064730

Cited by 120 publications

(26 citation statements)

References 22 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…We chose to study state legislative politicians because of evidence that the same dynamics of asymmetric polarization persist at the state level and by the variation in contexts available in the states. Further, motivated by evidence that polarization is partly a function of newly elected candidates taking more extreme positions than their predecessors (Theriault 2006), we surveyed both incumbents and candidates. We measured these officeholders’ and candidates’ perceptions of public opinion in their districts across seven issues in total.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Bias in Perceptions of Public Opinion among Political Elites

Broockman¹,

Skovron²

2018

Am Polit Sci Rev

272

212

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The conservative asymmetry of elite polarization represents a significant puzzle. We argue that politicians can maintain systematic misperceptions of constituency opinion that may contribute to breakdowns in dyadic representation. We demonstrate this argument with original surveys of 3,765 politicians’ perceptions of constituency opinion on nine issues. In 2012 and 2014, state legislative politicians from both parties dramatically overestimated their constituents’ support for conservative policies on these issues, a pattern consistent across methods, districts, and states. Republicans drive much of this overestimation. Exploiting responses from politicians in the same district, we confirm these partisan differences within individual districts. Further evidence suggests that this overestimation may arise due to biases in who contacts politicians, as in recent years Republican citizens have been especially likely to contact legislators, especially fellow Republicans. Our findings suggest that a novel force can operate in elections and in legislatures: Politicians can systematically misperceive what their constituents want.

show abstract

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Bias in Perceptions of Public Opinion among Political Elites

Broockman¹,

Skovron²

2018

Am Polit Sci Rev

272

212

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…37 To be recognised as such, Indigenous groups must gather extensive documentation that they are internally 'homogenous', distinguished by their adherence to distinctive 'tribal' customs, historically 'resistant' to assimilation by foreign powers, and inclined to maintain the 'ecological balance' of their ancestral domains. 38 With these strings attached, indigeneity can constitute a disempowering 'burden of authenticity' 39 and risks shunting aside the most marginalised actors in favour of those who are most adept at navigating bureaucracy. 40 Oona Paredes, for example, has examined state efforts to identify Higuanon leaders in northern Mindanao and found that those with the greatest legitimacy among their fellows are often those who are least comfortable dealing with bureaucracy (and vice versa).…”

Section: Indigenous Rights In Practicementioning

confidence: 99%

Unravelling the strings attached: Philippine indigeneity in law and practice

Theriault¹

2019

J. Southeast Asian stud.

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

After the fall of the Marcos regime in 1986, Philippine policymakers became the first in Asia to recognise indigeneity and Indigenous rights. By law, Indigenous groups throughout the archipelago now have priority rights to their ‘ancestral domains’, but in return they are expected to maintain an ‘ecological balance’ and cooperate with environmental regulations. As in many other parts of the world, the conditionalities of recognition mean that invocations of Indigenous rights often serve to initiate ever-deeper entanglements with governmental power. At the same time, however, Indigenous Peoples and their advocates do not approach the dilemmas of recognition as hapless bystanders; rather, they negotiate them in strategic and often unexpected ways. This article considers how members of Indigenous Palawan communities in the southwestern Philippines have used dominant policy assumptions to intervene in dispossessory processes. Specifically, I examine instances in which they have: (1) codified a ‘tradition’ of inheritance to influence legislative outcomes; (2) performed the policy narrative of ‘ecological balance’ to shape the outcome of conservation interventions; and (3) filed a civil case tacitly challenging official expectations that they govern themselves as homogenous collectivities. These examples, I argue, offer broader insights into the paradoxical and at times unexpected consequences of legislating Indigenous rights.

show abstract

“…Specifically, one could examine whether members of Congress's goals of serving their party conf licts with their goals of serving their constituents and creating good policy (Aldrich 1995;Aldrich andRohde 2000, 2001;Arnold 1990;Fenno 1978;Kingdon 1973Kingdon , 1977Kingdon , 2003Krehbiel 1993Krehbiel , 1998Mayhew 1974). Additionally, much Congressional research has examined legislator behavior in a highly polarized legislature (Fleisher and Bond 2004;Hetherington 2009;Layman, Carsey, and Horowitz 2006;Theriault 2006Theriault , 2008. Hypothetically, a member of Congress who finds his or her party's favored policies to be different from those of their constituents engages in more inauthentic surface acting or deep feeling to make voting decisions.…”

Section: Political Science: Emotion Management As Theory Adjudicatormentioning

confidence: 99%

Emotion Management: Unexpected Research Opportunities

et al. 2016

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

During the process of emotion management, individuals perceive that they are feeling emotions that differ from what is expected within the situation. Consequently, they use cognitive, physical, and/or other means either to display more appropriate emotions or to change their emotions on a deeper level to be consistent with what is customarily expressed. Beginning with the first examinations of emotion management in 1979 by the pioneer Arlie Hochschild, emotion scholars have produced over 6,000 studies of this phenomenon. We join this vibrant research program by proposing new avenues of research using an interdisciplinary strategy. First, we explore possibilities for emotion management research within its “home base” of sociology; then, we branch out to the areas of morality and political science. In so doing, we craft new and unexpected pathways for advancements in theory, theory adjudication, and methodology, for the future of emotion management research.

show abstract

Party Polarization in the US Congress

Cited by 120 publications

References 22 publications

Bias in Perceptions of Public Opinion among Political Elites

Bias in Perceptions of Public Opinion among Political Elites

Unravelling the strings attached: Philippine indigeneity in law and practice

Emotion Management: Unexpected Research Opportunities

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About