Passive revolution: a universal concept with geographical seats

Abstract

In this article, I argue that Antonio Gramsci’s concept of passive revolution makes a foundational contribution to International Relations (IR), yet has been relatively under appreciated by the broader discipline. Within the Historical Sociology of International Relations, uneven and combined development has recently been postulated as a key trans-historical law that provides a social theory of the ‘international’. Drawing from, but moving beyond these debates, I will argue that passive revolution is a key conditioning factor of capitalist modernity. I will demonstrate how the concept of passive revolution is the element that explains the connection between the universal process of uneven development and the manner in which specific combinations occur within the capitalist era as geopolitical pressures, in tandem with domestic social forces become internalised into geographically specific state forms. It therefore offers a corrective to the frequently aspatial view that is found in much of the literature in IR regarding uneven and combined development. Additionally, passive revolution provides a more politicised understanding of the present as well as an important theoretical lesson in relation to what needs to be done to affect alternative trajectories of development.

A Gramscian Conjuncture in Latin America? Reflections on Violence, Hegemony, and Geographical Difference

“…However, what I reject is the notion that these more localised forms are sui generis and unconnected with wider national and global processes of hegemonic formation, and that, furthermore, Gramsci was not aware of these interconnections within his own writing (as some of these critics imply). It can be concluded here that Gramsci’s writings offer a method of examining both the particularity of power within its specific “geographical seats” and more general accounts of structural power within which such seats are embedded (Hesketh ).…”

“…Passive revolution was used by Gramsci to describe the process of simultaneous revolutionary change and restoration that ultimately served to perpetuate class dominance within society. It has therefore been a profoundly important element of capitalist modernity (Hesketh ; Kanoussi and Mena ; Thomas ). For Gramsci, a politics of reform was likely to lead to what he defined as “transformism”, decapitating subaltern struggle through their breaking up into finite movements.…”

Lost in space? Putting the transnational state in its place

“…This mode of statecraft that is used to neutralise popular elements whilst expanding capital accumulation he referred to as 'passive revolution' (Gramsci 1971, 106-14). As has been outlined elsewhere, such forms of passive revolution always have geographical seats (Hesketh 2017b). However, the TNS thesis moves us away from considering the particularity of states spatialisation strategies that might adjust and absorb subaltern struggles in new modalities.…”

Governmentalizing Gramsci: Topologies of power and passive revolution in Cambodia’s garment production network

“…The notions of social dialogue and decent work are an instance of a passive revolution of the bourgeoisie and its intellectuals engaging in an ongoing attempt to preserve its established power (Thomas, 2009). Hesketh (2017) asserts that it is useful to think of passive revolution as emanating from what Gramsci referred to as multiple centers ''of formation, of irradiation, of dissemination,'' rather than ''organic diffusion from a homogenous center and a homogenous way of thinking and acting.'' Indeed, the prevention of the emergence of competing (organized and institutional) perspectives, or the de-politicization of politics and the conversion of formerly expressly political debates into purely bureaucratic or technical questions, plays a central role in these processes (Thomas, 2009).…”

“…It thus ''required'' elements of both revolution from above in terms of transforming the social relations of production in the post-war years, and restoration in terms of maintenance of power structures without significant subaltern empowerment. A central feature of the passive revolution is statization, with the Cambodian state replacing social groups in leading the process of renewal (Hesketh, 2017) in a manner that seeks to both forestall and at the same time adopt subaltern demands, yet without bringing those subaltern groups into the ruling historical bloc (Gray, 2010). This section discusses how the Cambodian state has navigated a largely international-led passive revolution to reinforce its own hegemony, utilizing both naked coercive power to put down protests, while also relying on consent-building among civil society actors to maintain investor confidence and thus reinforce the country's exportled development model.…”