Patronage's Progress in Post‐soeharto Indonesia

Blunt, Peter; Turner, Mark; Lindroth, Hendrik

doi:10.1002/pad.617

Cited by 66 publications

(64 citation statements)

References 57 publications

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“…According to his observation, fragmentation is visible virtually everywhere, with new or revivified local identities based on ethnicity and religion and with various forms of cultural revival. Additionally, Aspinall (2010) and Peter Blunt et al (2012) show that contemporary Indonesia remains a society of patronage and patronage remains systemic within the government. Notably, money politics and corrupt practices continue to constitute and sustain this patronage (Blunt et al 2012).…”

Section: Perplexed and Assuredmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Additionally, Aspinall (2010) and Peter Blunt et al (2012) show that contemporary Indonesia remains a society of patronage and patronage remains systemic within the government. Notably, money politics and corrupt practices continue to constitute and sustain this patronage (Blunt et al 2012). In a study of environmental governance, Paruedee Nguitragool (2012) found a lack of large-scale social cohesion between civil society organizations in Indonesia and the public, in conjunction with a fragmentation along the axis of class inequality and identity politics.…”

Section: Perplexed and Assuredmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Reconsidering the modern nation state in the Anthropocene

Alkatiri

2018

Scripta

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This article presents the nature of conflicts in postcolonial societies as the consequence of being under external control and economic exploitation. Drawing on empirical cases from Indonesia and a comparative literature review of African states, this article reveals a huge dilemma within the desire to build a solid nation state in a deeply pluralistic society. The nature of the modern nation state, which from the start requires the forcible subjugation of the population, has become one of the greatest paradoxes. That is to say, the very idea of unity for the pursuance of equity contradicts the premise of democracy, because forcing unity onto diversity implies denouncing differences and thus violating universal individual rights to be different. On that account, Indonesia’s struggle with diversity has falsified Huntington’s thesis, according to which cultural differences necessarily tend to lead to conflict. On the contrary, Indonesia demonstrates that conflicts have stemmed from nationalism and political-economic ideologies rather than cultural differences. This article highlights two issues of global relevance. Firstly, the inherent problems of coexistence that arise from the legacy of the Christian missionary tradition advocating the separation of the state and religion in the colonies, whereas Islam is a religion of politics and of law. Secondly, the concept of al-din is hardly compatible with the Western concept of religion. In contemporary globalization, the modern nation state and nationalism are increasingly contrasted with the ‘cosmic’ nature of religion, which claims allegiances transcending differences of race and nationality. On the bright side, a case study of a Muslim ‘intentional community’ offers a pragmatic solution whereby an implementation of Islamic jurisprudence as a response to ecological issues by an individual Muslim group is doable within the constraints of a nation state. Thus the thesis moves beyond the rigidity of state system and promotes a ‘people to people’ approach.

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Section: Perplexed and Assuredmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Perplexed and Assuredmentioning

confidence: 99%

Reconsidering the modern nation state in the Anthropocene

Alkatiri

2018

Scripta

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“…Moguls unilaterally abuse their position of political power to suck public resources out of the state or to extort assets from private entities. Examples include politicians diverting state funds directly into party coffers [ [53]: 247], senior bureaucrats running 'semi-formalized' systems whereby positions in the civil service are 'sold' to the highest bidders [7], and military officers being involved in a range of illicit businesses, from illegal logging and mining to protection rackets and smuggling [ [55]: 109].…”

Section: Corruption In East Asiamentioning

confidence: 99%

The historical origins of corruption in the developing world: a comparative analysis of East Asia

Hellmann

2017

Crime Law Soc Change

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A new approach has emerged in the literature on corruption in the developing world that breaks with the assumption that corruption is driven by individualistic self-interest and, instead, conceptualizes corruption as an informal system of norms and practices. While this emerging neo-institutionalist approach has done much to further our understanding of corruption in the developing world, one key question has received relatively little attention: how do we explain differences in the institutionalization of corruption between developing countries? The paper here addresses this question through a systematic comparison of seven developing and newly industrialized countries in East Asia. The argument that emerges through this analysis is that historical sequencing mattered: countries in which the 'political marketplace' had gone through a process of concentration before universal suffrage was introduced are now marked by less harmful types of corruption than countries where mass voting rights where rolled out in a context of fragmented political marketplaces. The paper concludes by demonstrating that this argument can be generalized to the developing world as a whole.Recently, the analysis of corruption in developing countries has undergone a radical revision. Specifically, scholars are increasingly emphasizing that we need to move away from studying corruption as individualistic acts of deviant behavior and instead acknowledge that corruption can become institutionalized as informal rules and routines, thus putting great pressure on individuals to perform according to these norms. [t]he Bbasic norm^of this invisible legal system sanctions the unavoidability of bribes, the rule that recourse to hidden exchange cannot be avoided in return for any Bresource^of value obtainable from the public structure within the corruption network'.

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“…2 Yet, while emerging research work points to the unintended consequences of aid-supported policy transfer for administrative capacity building in non-OECD country contexts (Blunt et al 2012, Karini 2013, the evidence on the role of the "policy community" or "networks" as defi ned in the literature is somewhat anecdotal and continues to remain under-researched (Stone 2004, Pal 2014. Th e Western Balkans, which this paper focuses on, seem to be a case in point, where transfer processes are mainly analyzed -both among policy circles in Brussels and in the fairly limited research work by the regional scholars -within the scope of transfer between the EU as one supranational entity (and lead donor) to individual countries in the region as "benefi ciaries" of its aid to further a specifi c "EU accession" policy transfer.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Facilitators and Constraints of Policy Learning for Administrative Capacity in the Western Balkans

Karini¹

2017

NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy

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Drawing on the policy-transfer literature, where processes such as Europeanization accentuate the role of policy networks as facilitators or constraints in the implementation of acquis 1 , in addition to the familiar mechanism of "conditionality", the principal objective of this article is to explore the challenges of policy learning toward administrative-capacity building and, more specifi cally, the role of what I refer to here as "donor-bureaucrat-contractor" networks in the Western Balkans. By employing a qualitative methodology consisting of forty semi-structured interviews and focus groups with policymakers, donor offi cers, civil-society experts and consultants in the region during the period of January 2011 to December 2016, a critical analysis of aid-supported policy learning via training as a conduit to administrative capacity-building reveals a series of context-specifi c dimensions, such as the informality of such networks, overreliance on local NGOs as "capacitybuilding" implementation partners and the ability of the context to aff ect donor behaviour -all ultimately contributing to the (non-) occurrence of policy transfer. Th e overarching conclusion this article draws is that potential answers to problems with aid-supported policy learning in the region may probably lie in the invisible workings of the aforementioned networks rather than solely in the offi cial channels of communication between Brussels and regional governments. From a policymaking standpoint, this conclusion in itself may as well be construed as a recommendation to mobilize future research surrounding the impact of such networks on European Union (EU) accession processes in the region. Th is may encourage research organizations both in the EU and the region to (re) orient future endeavors towards this dimension of administrative capacity-building -a core requirement for EU accession -especially as the EU itself faces its own enlargement dilemmas following Brexit while the region faces threats of a potential revival of "old" ethnic

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Patronage's Progress in Post‐soeharto Indonesia

Cited by 66 publications

References 57 publications

Reconsidering the modern nation state in the Anthropocene

Reconsidering the modern nation state in the Anthropocene

The historical origins of corruption in the developing world: a comparative analysis of East Asia

Facilitators and Constraints of Policy Learning for Administrative Capacity in the Western Balkans

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