Patterns in Contingencies: The Interlocking of Formal and Informal Political Institutions in Contemporary Argentina

Llamazares, Iván

doi:10.1353/sof.2005.0072

Cited by 25 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…In addition, although the World Bank itself has decided not to rely on the indicators for its operational work and the indicators have no official standing, 3 the fact that they are produced by World Bank researchers and are financed and publicized by the World Bank lends them the authority of that powerful institution. A number of studies have used the indicators as explanatory variables; their results thus depend on the indicators (see, for example, Neumayer, 2002;Apodaca, 2004;Hart, Atkins and Youniss, 2005;Llamazares, 2005;Andres, 2006;Das and Andriamananjara, 2006;Jung, 2006;Liu and San, 2006). For example, economists, including the authors of the indicators, have used the indicators to explore possible relationships between aspects of governance and growth (see, for example, Dollar and Kraay, 2003;Kaufmann and Kraay, 2003;Naude, 2004;Me´on and Sekkat, 2005).…”

Section: The Worldwide Governance Indicatorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

What Do the Worldwide Governance Indicators Measure?

2009

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As policymakers and researchers focus more on the question of the impact of governance in economic development, they have required measures of the quality of governance to set policy or to conduct analyses. A number of measures of the quality of governance have been created. Among these are the Worldwide Governance Indicators, which rank countries on six aspects of 'good governance'. Critics have focused on problems of bias or lack of comparability that raise questions about the utility of these indicators. However, a more fundamental question is that of whether the indicators have 'construct validity' -whether they measure what they purport to measure. This paper considers the construct validity of the indicators and raises the question of whether researchers and policymakers are relying on wrong data, rather than poor data.Les responsables politiques et les chercheurs ont besoin de mesures concre`tes de la qualite´de la gouvernance afin de pouvoir de´terminer l'impact de celle-ci, en particulier par rapport au de´ve-loppement e´conomique. Un certain nombre d'indicateurs ont re´cemment e´te´cre´e´s, parmi lesquels les Indicateurs de gouvernance dans le monde de la Banque Mondiale, qui classent les pays a`partir de six crite`res de ) bonne gouvernance *. L'utilite´de ces indicateurs a e´te´mise en question pour des raisons de distorsion ainsi que des proble`mes de manque de comparabilite´. Cependant, une question plus fondamentale est celle de la validite´the´orique de ces indicateurs, c'est-a`-dire, s'ils mesurent ce qu'ils pre´tendent mesurer. Cet article conside`re la validite´conceptuelle de ces indicateurs et cherche ad e´terminer dans quelle mesure les chercheurs et les responsables politiques ne sont pas en train de se baser sur des donne´es fausses, plutoˆt que des donne´es insuffisantes.

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Section: The Worldwide Governance Indicatorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

What Do the Worldwide Governance Indicators Measure?

2009

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“…A similar pattern has been observed in the reform processes in Peru (Roberts 1995;Solfrini 2001;Barr 2003) and a number of other Latin American countries throughout the 1980s and the 1990s (Demmers et al 2001;Teichman 2004;Llamazares 2005). The use of traditional forms of politics has often been instrumental to the alleged modernization of the state and its institutions.…”

Section: Empirical Conveniencementioning

confidence: 54%

“…Although prominent leaders such as Rafael Caldera (1969)(1970)(1971)(1972)(1973)(1974) A similar point could be made for contemporary Argentina. Llamazares observes a neopatrimonial environment in Argentina "in so far as it involves the presence of 'patronclient linkages' and 'the blurring of private and public purposes and practices within the administration'" (Llamazares 2005(Llamazares : 1675. But he qualifies his judgment by adding that "centralization of political power is the only typical characteristic of neopatrimonalism that is not present in the informal practices described" (Llamazares 2005: 1692.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Llamazares observes a neopatrimonial environment in Argentina "in so far as it involves the presence of 'patronclient linkages' and 'the blurring of private and public purposes and practices within the administration'" (Llamazares 2005(Llamazares : 1675. But he qualifies his judgment by adding that "centralization of political power is the only typical characteristic of neopatrimonalism that is not present in the informal practices described" (Llamazares 2005: 1692. To be sure, Argentina's political system is far from the concentration of power that characterizes many contemporary neopatrimonial regimes in Africa.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Neopatrimonialism in Latin America: Prospects and Promises of a Neglected Concept

Bechle¹

2010

SSRN Journal

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Neopatrimonialism relates to the co-existence of two different logics of political domination: legal-rational rule, which is associated with modern statehood, and patrimonial rule, which corresponds to the traditional type of domination. In recent years, the concept has been applied to characterize political authority in a number of states in different world regions. But despite the fact that elements of neopatrimonial rule can also be found in many Latin American countries, the concept has not taken hold in the scholarship carried out on that region. This paper first explains how neopatrimonialism relates to the dominant approaches in the scholarly debates on Latin American politics, and then it discusses the potential benefits of the concept of neopatrimonialism. It argues that neopatrimonialism provides a more complex characterization of political rule on both the political and the administrative levels than more frequently applied concepts such as neopopulism.

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“…Dicha teoría, actualizada en la Teoría de la Cooperación de Axelrod (1986), propone que la cooperación -y la evitación del conflicto-dependen en gran medida de la posibilidad de actuar con miras de largo plazo, y de la presencia de un ambiente en el que la cooperación se haya impuesto evolutivamente como la estrategia más conveniente. Siguiendo a Llamazares (2005), la inestabilidad presente en Argentina reforzaría el foco de corto plazo, transformando la cooperación en una estrategia poco conveniente.…”

Section: Elementos De Comparación Estados Unidos-argentinaunclassified

La sucesión del poder en América Latina: la tradición de Argentina a la luz (y a la sombra) del modelo estadounidense

Mittelman

2017

Monograma Revista Iberoamericana De Cultura Y Pensamiento

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El presente trabajo propone una reflexión acerca de la vicepresidencia en América Latina a partir del contraste de un ejemplo paradigmático: el caso argentino, con la misma institución en Estados Unidos. Contando ambos con idénticas configuraciones institucionales y normativas, el desempeño de la vicepresidencia ha sido notablemente distinto en un caso y en otro a lo largo de los últimos dos siglos, y lo sigue siendo en la actualidad. Estas diferencias vienen determinadas por un conjunto de rasgos del sistema político, como el carácter de los partidos y el sistema de partidos, entre otros. Pero más aún por elementos informales, como los tipos de relación que se establecen entre actores políticos, la personalización de la política o el grado de respeto a las tradiciones institucionales.

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Patterns in Contingencies: The Interlocking of Formal and Informal Political Institutions in Contemporary Argentina

Cited by 25 publications

References 10 publications

What Do the Worldwide Governance Indicators Measure?

What Do the Worldwide Governance Indicators Measure?

Neopatrimonialism in Latin America: Prospects and Promises of a Neglected Concept

La sucesión del poder en América Latina: la tradición de Argentina a la luz (y a la sombra) del modelo estadounidense

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