Peacebuilding and Critical Forms of Agency

Richmond, Oliver P.; Mitchell, Audra

doi:10.1177/0304375411432099

Cited by 51 publications

(36 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…Studies of “peacebuilding from below” identify how local actors are constantly attempting to game the system to exploit peacebuilding for ulterior purposes (Boyce ; Pouligny ; Talentino ). And many case studies of specific operations showcase how the interaction between goal‐oriented and strategically motivated actors explains why they veer off course (Pouligny ; Englebert and Tull ; Fortna ; Hyden ; Manning ; Autesserre ; Campbell, Chandler and Sabaratnam ; Richmond and Mitchel ; Zürcher ).…”

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confidence: 99%

“…Studies of "peacebuilding from below" identify how local actors are constantly attempting to game the system to exploit peacebuilding for ulterior purposes (Boyce 2002;Pouligny 2006;Talentino 2007). And many case studies of specific operations showcase how the interaction between goal-oriented and strategically motivated actors explains why they veer off course (Pouligny 2006;Englebert and Tull 2008;Fortna 2008;Hyden 2008;Manning 2008;Autesserre 2010;Campbell, Chandler and Sabaratnam 2011;Richmond and Mitchel 2011;Z€ urcher 2011). In fact, in an earlier paper (Barnett and Z€ urcher 2009), we employed an informal strategic perspective, treating peacebuilding as a "game" played between peacebuilders and domestic elites. We categorized outcomes of peacebuilding operations not in the ordinal terms of success or failure but instead in nominal terms of different kinds of outcomes: captured, when local actors reduce peacebuilders to an instrument of their status quo-oriented preferences; conflictive, when peacebuilders and local actors lock horns; co-opted, when local actors willingly implement peacebuilding reforms; and, compromised, when there is a mix of reforms and consolidation of the status quo.…”

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Compromised Peacebuilding

2014

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There is considerable evidence that peacebuilding operations are more likely to reproduce important elements of the status quo than they are to propel post-conflict states toward a liberal democracy. In contrast to existing theories that focus on the resources available to peacebuilders or the degree of damage caused by the war to explain the outcome, we highlight the interaction between international and domestic actors. Specifically, we conceive of peacebuilding as a strategic process involving peacebuilders, a postwar government, and other local elites. The equilibrium results show that this process typically concludes in a compromised peacebuilding outcome. This is not surprising when the policy preferences of the actors diverge, but the results also hold when domestic elites prefer a liberal democracy to the status quo. Why? Primarily, because postwar governments are rewarded by relatively impatient peacebuilders with more resources than they would otherwise receive. Additionally, if there exists a secondary elite with veto power, a compromised outcome becomes even more likely. We illustrate these findings with reference to post-1989 peacebuilding operations. Although peacebuilding might not work as it is intended, in the conclusion, we argue that it is better than the alternatives and propose a more realistic measure of peacebuilding success.

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Compromised Peacebuilding

2014

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“…increase the legitimacy and durability of the peace processes in question'. 6 This article argues that a principal reason for the artificial outcomes arising from current statebuilding interventions can be found in the way they relate, and often fail to relate, to critical voices and alternative conceptions of effective peacebuilding in the course of their intervention. This paper is based on a qualitative case study of the UN peace operation in Liberia.…”

Section: When Critique Is Framed As Resistance: How the Internationalmentioning

confidence: 99%

When Critique is Framed as Resistance: How the International Intervention in Liberia Fails to Integrate Alternative Concepts and Constructive Criticism

Neumann¹,

Winckler²

2013

International Peacekeeping

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International interventions in post-war countries aim to support national governments in rebuilding vital state functions. They de facto become strong political players, but form self-referential systems parallel to national politics, neither checked nor balanced by the population of the respective host country. This relationship is explored in the case of Liberia, where we analyse different forms of resistance and their resonance for the international intervention. Our findings indicate that intervening actors in Liberia largely fail to respond to constructive forms of resistance. However, destructive forms of resistance such as violence and obstruction provoke strong attention. This creates an environment that is not conducive to an inclusive and stable democracy.

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“…Interventionen können als Interaktionsbeziehungen zwischen internationalen und lokalen Akteuren verstanden werden, ob in strategischen Aushandlungsprozessen (Barnett/Zürcher 2009) oder auch im Alltag der Intervention (Distler 2010;Richmond 2009;Pouligny 2006). Für einen begrenzten Zeitraum entstehen gemeinsame Interventionsgesellschaften (Daxner et al 2010).…”

Section: Die Intervention Als Politischer Prozessunclassified

Die andere Seite der Medaille: Intervention und Widerstand in Bosnien-Herzegowina und im Kosovo

Distler¹,

Riese²

2013

ZeFKo

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Die andere Seite der Medaille: Intervention und Widerstand in Bosnien-Herzegowina und im Kosovo Interventionen wollen Friedensprozesse, Staatsaufbau und Demokratisierung voranbringen. Die intervenierten Gesellschaften sehen sich jedoch dabei mit den Gestaltungsansprüchen der Intervenierenden konfrontiert. Diese sind der intervenierten Bevölkerung gegenüber weder demokratisch legitimiert, noch unterliegen sie einer Rechenschaftspflicht. Auch institutionalisierte Kanäle zur politischen Konfliktaustragung fehlen. Stattdessen wird Widerstand als Spoilertum delegitimiert. Für uns wird politischer Widerstand deshalb eine erwartbare Folge andauernder Interventionen-die andere Seite der Medaille. Anhand der Partei Savez Nezavisnih Socijaldemokrata aus Bosnien und der Bewegung VETËVENDOSJE! im Kosovo zeigen wir, wie stark sich beide Organisationen als Träger des Widerstands gegen die Interventionen verstehen und sich nur unter deren spezifischen Bedingungen entwickeln konnten. Anstatt Widerstand generell zu delegitimieren und den engen Zusammenhang zwischen Intervention und den aus ihr entstehenden Konflikten zu ignorieren, müssen wir Interventionen deshalb verstärkt als politische Prozesse verstehen, die politische Formen der Konfliktregelung zwischen Intervenierenden und Intervenierten nötig machen.

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Peacebuilding and Critical Forms of Agency

Cited by 51 publications

References 4 publications

Compromised Peacebuilding

Compromised Peacebuilding

When Critique is Framed as Resistance: How the International Intervention in Liberia Fails to Integrate Alternative Concepts and Constructive Criticism

Die andere Seite der Medaille: Intervention und Widerstand in Bosnien-Herzegowina und im Kosovo

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