Peasant and indigenous transnational social movements engaging with climate justice

Abstract

This article offers a comparative account of the engagement of two key transnational social movements, the agrarian movement La Via Campesina (LVC) and the International Indigenous Peoples' Forum on Climate Change (IIPFCC), in global climate discussions, particularly the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Since 2007 these movements have each developed their own framing of climate justice and sought political and legal opportunities to advocate rights-based policies. LVC has advanced a development paradigm grounded in food sovereignty and agroecology, and IIPFCC has sought to increase indigenous participation in United Nations climate schemes and regain control over ancestral territory. RÉSUMÉCet article présente un compte rendu comparatif de la participation de deux mouvements sociaux transnationaux clés, le mouvement agraire La Via Campesina (LVC) et l'International Indigenous Peoples' Forum on Climate Change (IIPFCC), aux débats mondiaux sur le climat, notamment à la Convention-cadre des Nations Unies sur les changements climatiques. Depuis 2007, ces mouvements ont développé leur propre formulation de la justice climatique et cherché des opportunités politiques et légales afin de promouvoir des politiques axées sur les droits. LVC a mis de l'avant un paradigme de développement fondé sur la souveraineté alimentaire ainsi que l'agroécologie, et IIPFCC a cherché à accroître la participation autochtone aux dispositifs des Nations Unies liés au climat de même qu'à reprendre le contrôle du territoire ancestral.

Emerging ‘agrarian climate justice’ struggles in Myanmar

“…The cases in this paper attempt to incorporate activist observations, highlighting the challenges they have pointed out in their struggles, but also some of the tensions. Further, while political opportunity structures were later applied to transnational advocacy organizations working with human rights groups in the Global South (Keck and Sikkink 1998) and (trans)national agrarian movements and indigenous movements (Claeys and Delgado Pugley 2016), some have argued the framework may not adequately fit into non-consolidated democracies, where institutional arrangements between state and society are in the making (Houtzager 2001). As this paper will show, opportunities at the national level in Myanmar allowed for greater mobilizing toward agrarian climate justice, however the availability of political opportunities in itself is also not sufficient in achieving ACJ, requiring the active development of horizontal networks and strategies, building strength in numbers, and grounding or rooting these actions among communities.…”

The dangerous rise of Land Grabbing through Climate Change Mitigation policies: the examples of Biofuel and REDD+

“…Part of the public opinion and environmental activists have also affirmed their frustration. Pat Mooney, from ETC Group, lamented: "What we have is something much worse than Copenhagen (…) because people believe that governments have achieved something here and they have not" (La Via Campesina, 2016;Claeys, 2017). This opinion is followed by part of the climate scientists' community.…”

“…At the same time, it recalls for mitigations instruments that, as explained above, are inefficient. No references to land grabbing were included in the Paris Agreement and the text gives no guidance on land use, despite climate policies have been increasingly influencing territorial and natural resources (Claeys, 2017).…”

Ilmasto-oikeudenmukaisuus suomalaisessa hyvinvointi- ja terveyspolitiikassa-Suuntaviivoja tutkimukselle

“…Lisäksi filosofinen tutkimustraditio on keskeisellä tavalla auttanut käsitteellistämään oikeudenmukaisuuskysymyksiä, joita ilmastonmuutokseen liittyy (3,4). Käytännön esimerkkejä sekä empiirisiä havaintoja ilmasto-oikeudenmukaisuudesta ja sen kokemuksesta ovat tarjonneet tutkimukset ilmastonmuutokseen sopeutumisesta (5), energiamurroksesta (6-8) ja ruokaturvasta (9,10).…”