Peasant movements

Bianco, Lucien; Lloyd, Janet

doi:10.1017/chol9780521243384.007

Cited by 7 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 197 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…This development corresponds with studies which consistently show that more practical, local‐scale concerns of survival prevailed among the putatively oppressed tenant farmers even as social chaos became more prevalent during the immediate post‐Qing era (Isaacs, [1938] 2010; Chang, 1951; Thaxton, 1997). As Bianco (1986: 279) observes, landlordism was actually stable during KMT rule:…”

Section: The Pre‐1949 Peasant Revolution: More Than a Decontextualize...mentioning

confidence: 93%

“…In response to Stalin's recommendations, the KMT completely overlooked the satisfaction of 'the most urgent demands of the peasantry' while it attempted to expand its state apparatus (see also Bianco, 1986;Duara, 1987;M. Zhang, 2001).…”

Section: State Involution Peasant Mobilization and The Emergence Of A...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…

It depends primarily on the behaviour of the revolutionary army, on its attitude towards the peasantry and towards the landlords, on its readiness to aid the peasants, what the attitude of the peasantry will be towards the new government, the Kuomintang and the Chinese revolution generally … the Chinese Communists and the Chinese revolutionaries generally must, [ sic ] therefore take every measure to neutralize the anti‐peasant elements in the army, to preserve the army's revolutionary spirit, and to ensure that the army assists the peasants and rouses them to revolution ( ibid . ).In response to Stalin's recommendations, the KMT completely overlooked the satisfaction of ‘the most urgent demands of the peasantry’ while it attempted to expand its state apparatus (see also Bianco, 1986; Duara, 1987; M. Zhang, 2001). While Mao and his fellow policymakers strictly adhered to Stalin's advice to rouse peasants to revolution through land reforms, the KMT's decision to collaborate with the local elites and not radicalize the peasants tipped the revolutionary balance in the CPC's favor.…”

Section: State Involution Peasant Mobilization and The Emergence Of A...mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

PEASANT MOBILIZATION, THE ‘LAND QUESTION’ AND SPATIAL EGALITARIANISM IN AN URBANIZING CHINA: A Genealogical Assessment and a New Research Agenda

Lim

2023

Int J Urban Regional Res

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Urbanization has become a core strategy for the Communist Party of China (CPC) to reinforce its authoritarian rule over China. Its roll‐out is replete with tensions, however, because the extent to which urbanization can replicate spatial egalitarianism, the foundation of CPC sovereign rule following its victory in the Chinese civil war (1946–49), remains unclear. To advance research on these tensions, this article first presents a genealogy of the multiple conditions that underpinned large‐scale peasant mobilization to drive landownership redistribution. Rarely discussed in urban and regional research today, the logic and implications of landownership redistribution are crucial for comprehending and conceptualizing Chinese urbanization. Specifically, the genealogical analysis demonstrates how peasant mobilization engendered a de facto CPC‐peasantry social contract that consolidated CPC rule. Rather than dissolve unproblematically as the Chinese political economy evolves into an urbanizing era, this contract has engendered path‐dependent effects that constrain attempts at urban‐rural integration. The article then adds a fresh historical‐geographical dimension to existing research on Chinese urbanization and regime durability by introducing a new research agenda to examine why contemporary peasant mobilization across China not only differs from but is also shaped by the peasant mobilization of the late 1940s.

show abstract

Section: The Pre‐1949 Peasant Revolution: More Than a Decontextualize...mentioning

confidence: 93%

Section: State Involution Peasant Mobilization and The Emergence Of A...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…

Section: State Involution Peasant Mobilization and The Emergence Of A...mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

PEASANT MOBILIZATION, THE ‘LAND QUESTION’ AND SPATIAL EGALITARIANISM IN AN URBANIZING CHINA: A Genealogical Assessment and a New Research Agenda

Lim

2023

Int J Urban Regional Res

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…With its strong emphasis on discipline and punishment, the CCP had been among the most powerful mobilizers of the masses (Moore 1966, Chen 1986, Walder 2017. Moreover, while traditional peasants had strong sense of local connections and cared only about clan-based or very local interests (such as fellow villagers), the CCP emphasized the sense of class belonging, the mentality of class struggle between the haves and the have-nots, sometimes exaggerating their wealth and their rent requirements (Bianco, 1983). As the literature underscores the importance of belief in determining individual behaviors (North 1991), this combination of disciplines and class consciousness made the peasants a powerful force to overcome collective action problems, and made peasants in famine-stricken regions more susceptible to the Communist ideology and to joining its army to change the prevailing social order.…”

Section: Warlord-era Famines and The Rise Of Communismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Warlords, State Failures, and the Rise of Communism in China

Huang¹,

Miao²,

Shao³

et al. 2021

Policy Research Working Papers

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent.

show abstract

“…It is sometimes assumed that with a more moderate social and economic program the revolution would have proceeded more smoothly in the countryside, and it is believed that elites were acting to preserve their social and economic positions rather than their political autonomy (Wilbur 1984:99). Even when the wider political ambience of the movement is noted-for example, in the argument that elite resistance to excessive peasant demands committed the movement to the "politics of dependency" (Bianco 1986:316)-it is rarely pointed out that not just peasant mobilization was dependent on external political or military agencies. All political initiatives in Guangdong, whether involving peasant associations or local party and government agencies, met with resistance or subversion from local elites whose members responded consistently in defense of their authority.…”

Section: State Penetration Of Societymentioning

confidence: 99%

The Misconceived Revolution: State and Society in China's Nationalist Revolution, 1923–26

Fitzgerald¹

1990

J of Asian Stud

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The process of state-building in the Chinese revolution was confounded, and remains obscured, by a contest between rival claimants to state power in the Nationalist and Communist parties. There is a natural temptation to trace conflict in the state-building process to ideological differences between the two parties, as they did themselves, and to overlook their similarities and downplay the potential for political conflict and social resistance inherent in state-building generally. This is the case with histories of the Nationalist Revolution of the 1920s, when the two parties came together briefly to fight for national unification and independence. Each party is assigned an irreconcilable difference of purpose, the Nationalists aiming for cohesive national revolution and the Communists for divisive social revolution, and their combined efforts are represented as the historical working through of this conflict of purpose (Rankin, Fairbank, and Feuerwerker 1986:10; Wilbur 1984). The clash of aims seems to be not far removed from a clash of ideologies, and the collapse of this First United Front is portrayed as the historical resolution to a philosophical contradiction. In the definitive words of C. Martin Wilbur, “The main weakness was disagreement among the leaders concerning the social goals of the national revolution,” traceable to “competing ideologies among intellectuals throughout China” (Wilbur 1968:223). Conflict between the parties and within society boils down, in the end, to an ideological dispute.

show abstract

Peasant movements

Cited by 7 publications

References 197 publications

PEASANT MOBILIZATION, THE ‘LAND QUESTION’ AND SPATIAL EGALITARIANISM IN AN URBANIZING CHINA: A Genealogical Assessment and a New Research Agenda

PEASANT MOBILIZATION, THE ‘LAND QUESTION’ AND SPATIAL EGALITARIANISM IN AN URBANIZING CHINA: A Genealogical Assessment and a New Research Agenda

Warlords, State Failures, and the Rise of Communism in China

The Misconceived Revolution: State and Society in China's Nationalist Revolution, 1923–26

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About