Pedagogy from and for Social Movements: A Conversation Between Theory and Practice

Cox, Laurence

doi:10.1080/10455752.2017.1360373

Cited by 7 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…Our sampling approach lead us to a set of participants highly engaged with the MAOG, but unrepresentative of the views of local community members either in Algarve or Leiria. Additionally, by focusing our analysis solely on the views of a reduced number of participants who were highly involved, we did not examine if and how such bridges may have constrained the involvement of ordinary citizens (Cox, 2019). Future studies should look into the dynamics of interaction between different players, for example between grassroots groups and political parties, through ethnographic approaches, and from the perspective of community members.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In addition, particularly in the climate and environmental movement, it is quite common to have alliances between grassroots groups (local and informal organizations) and NGOs (formally organized under non-profit charters), although these players trend to distrust each other (De Moor, 2018). Simultaneously, the existence of top-down platforms of compound players may also restrain the participation of individual and ordinary players (Cox, 2019).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Multiple Players, Different Tactics, a Shared Goal: Building Bridges and Political Agency While Fighting Against Oil and Gas Drilling

Fernandes‐Jesus

Gomes

2020

Front. Commun.

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Several individuals, groups, and organizations have been fighting against oil and natural gas drilling in Portuguese territory. The mobilizations intensified in 2015 in Algarve, and since then 13 concession agreements for oil and gas exploitation, extraction, and production have been canceled. Two concessions for gas drilling remain in Leiria, and this is where the movement is presently more active. Inspired by literature on the role of players and tactics in social movements, as well as on the meanings of agency, we examined how individuals, groups, and organizations contested and demanded the cancellation of the existing concession agreements. We conducted 12 in-depth interviews with highly engaged activists. Based on a thematic analysis, we identified six major themes, named as: "multiple players, a shared goal"; "building bridges with multiple players and tactics"; "links to institutional power"; "the route to the court"; "paths to popular mobilization"; and "movement building and power to act." Overall, we identified three broad sets of tactics used by the movement, which shows the diversity of players involved in the struggles against oil and gas in Portugal. The first tactic relates to the social movement organizations' efforts to connect with institutional power, either by seeking to pressure local political leaders or by using public consultations, petitions, and other means for expressing their voices. The second tactic refers to the movement's engagement with legal procedures, and the third relates to the movement's efforts to promote popular mobilization. In terms of actions, the movement engaged in protests and public demonstrations, public consultations, public campaigns with celebrities, leaflet distributions, political pressuring of leaders, awareness campaigns in schools and streets, legal actions, among other approaches. All participants described the movement as successful in achieving its shared goal "to cancel oil and gas concessions" and attributed such a success to the movement's ability to combine different strategies and tactics. The movement is also perceived as a setting for building political agency. We discuss the role of the movement in building bridges between multiple players/tactics and in constructing political agency, by focusing on the implications for collective action in environmental and climate issues.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Multiple Players, Different Tactics, a Shared Goal: Building Bridges and Political Agency While Fighting Against Oil and Gas Drilling

Fernandes‐Jesus

Gomes

2020

Front. Commun.

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“…Similarly, Laurence Cox (2019) emphasizes the need to decenter the academy as the primary site of knowledge production and instead center 'theory from below'. As Cox (2019) states: 'Why would it make sense to begin with advanced university students when trying to change the world?' (p. 71).…”

Section: Toward a Counter-public Sociologymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Such an emphasis on activism echoes counter-public sociology claims that the university cannot be the primary catalyst for radical social movements or transformation. Similarly, Laurence Cox (2019) emphasizes the need to decenter the academy as the primary site of knowledge production and instead center ‘theory from below’. As Cox (2019) states: ‘Why would it make sense to begin with advanced university students when trying to change the world?’ (p. 71).…”

Section: Toward a Counter-public Sociologymentioning

confidence: 99%

A Call for Counter-Public Sociology

Mahadeo

2023

Critical Sociology

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This paper seeks to decenter the academy as the gatekeeper of knowledge, while presenting a critique of ‘public sociology’ and ‘public-facing’ scholarship. I argue that public sociology’s aim to make research more ‘accessible to a wider audience’ presupposes that the university has something to offer to this audience in the first place. This not-so-tacit arrogance only further privileges the university as the primary site of knowledge production, while rendering invisible the many knowledge producers outside the academy. As public sociology continues to curry favor with mainstream media, politics, and policy institutes, it reveals a steadfast faith in the state and capital, while obscuring radical alternatives. In turn, public sociology functions as a counterinsurgency tool via professionalization. Conversely, a counter-public sociology refuses to comply with oppressive state protocols. Instead, it seeks to dismantle them. A counter-public sociology aims not to affirm the university, but to insist that this current academic enterprise remains untenable.

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“…8-9). Fortunately, there is a growing literature within social movement scholarship focusing on social movements as knowledge and theory creators in their own right, and this chapter aims to add to this growing literature (Casas-Cortés et al, 2008;Choudry, 2009;Choudry & Kapoor, 2010;Cox, 2019;Cox & Fominaya, 2009;Daro, 2009;Della Porta & Pavan, 2017;Hall, 2009;Arribas Lozano, 2018;Lysack, 2009;Niesz, 2019;Niesz et al, 2018;Teasley & Butler, 2020). However, literature on social movements and knowledge creation has existed even longer within the literature on adult, or popular, education and, both directly and indirectly, in the literature on decolonial critiques of westernized 1 epistemologies (Foley, 1999;Hall, 2009;Niesz et al, 2018;Santos, 2016;Teasley & Butler, 2020).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social Movements Prefiguring Political Theory

Wathne

2022

Nonprofit and Civil Society Studies

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Adding to the growing literature on social movements as knowledge and theory creators, this chapter wants more social movement research to focus on the content of the political theories created by social movements, as an outcome of their morality. This chapter argues that prefigurative social movements create political theory through the interplay of their internal and external communication, their organization, and in their discussions of how and why to change the world: They are prefiguring political theory through their cognitive praxis. The chapter demonstrates how the literature on prefigurative social movements and Ron Jamison and Andrew Eyerman’s concept of cognitive praxis, combined with a decolonial feminist approach to knowledge and theory, provides space for the political theory of social movements within social movement literature. This theory is inherently political as it is aimed to be a (temporary) guide toward the kind of world the movements want to see and argues why the world should look like that.The chapter briefly outlines how a Cartesian approach to science prevents us from viewing theory based on lived experience as theory, even though all theory is based on lived experience, and thereby explains why we have not taken the knowledge and theory created by social movements seriously for so long. To recognize social movements as political actors, we need to engage with the concepts, policy proposals, critiques, or new institutions that they are creating, and not only the mechanics around creating them. Consequently, we need to recognize social movements as the authors of the knowledge and theory they create and not take credit for “discovering” it. Lastly, from a decolonial approach, we should recognize that social movement research is relational and that the research process should involve the social movements themselves to make sure they also benefit from it, and view them as colleagues who are sharing their knowledge with us. Moving away from the more Cartesian view of science requires a decolonization of the entire research process, and in particular rethinking what this means in terms of authorship, ownership, and credit.

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Pedagogy from and for Social Movements: A Conversation Between Theory and Practice

Cited by 7 publications

References 15 publications

Multiple Players, Different Tactics, a Shared Goal: Building Bridges and Political Agency While Fighting Against Oil and Gas Drilling

Multiple Players, Different Tactics, a Shared Goal: Building Bridges and Political Agency While Fighting Against Oil and Gas Drilling

A Call for Counter-Public Sociology

Social Movements Prefiguring Political Theory

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