The hypothesis ‘licensing by cue’ by Steriade holds that phonological contrasts
are maintained in environments that provide better acoustic cues to the contrasts
and are neutralized in environments that provide poorer acoustic cues or no
cues. This paper tests the hypothesis by examining the distribution of a phonological
contrast - the Russian plain/palatalized coronal stops /t/ and /tj/ in various syllable-
final contexts. The results of a series of acoustic and perceptual experiments
presented in this paper provide some support for the hypothesis: the relative
salience of releases in different word boundary contexts (_#k > _#n, _#s) correlates
strongly with the general patterns of neutralization of the contrast in similar
word-internal contexts (_k > _n, _s) in Russian and other related languages. At the
same time, the relative salience of VC transitions in different vowel contexts
(a_ > u_ > i_) has apparently little to do with attested patterns of neutralization.
The results suggest that some perceptual cues are phonologically more relevant
than others, providing evidence for interactions between phonetics and phonology
more complex than predicted by the hypothesis.