1991
DOI: 10.1515/ling.1991.29.6.969
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Perfective and imperfective aspect and the theory of events and states

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Cited by 35 publications
(30 citation statements)
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“…The interpretation of the sentence depends on whether the predicate merges with a particular functional viewpoint head. In this sense, this proposal differs from others such as Kamp & Rohrer's 1983, Hinrichs' 1986and Herweg's 1991, where aspectual forms were assumed to describe specific types of predicates and to follow from the situation aspect properties of predicates (e.g. French Imparfait for states; Passé Simple for events).…”
Section: Aspect Theoretical Toolkitmentioning
confidence: 79%
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“…The interpretation of the sentence depends on whether the predicate merges with a particular functional viewpoint head. In this sense, this proposal differs from others such as Kamp & Rohrer's 1983, Hinrichs' 1986and Herweg's 1991, where aspectual forms were assumed to describe specific types of predicates and to follow from the situation aspect properties of predicates (e.g. French Imparfait for states; Passé Simple for events).…”
Section: Aspect Theoretical Toolkitmentioning
confidence: 79%
“…According to the proposal defended in this paper, the situation properties gained in the syntax remain unaltered, viewpoint aspect heads having no power whatsoever to change them. As a consequence, coercion mechanisms as reinterpretation mechanisms that come into play when there is a conflict between aspectual properties of eventualities and aspectual operators (Herweg 1991, de Swart 1998 are claimed not to exist as such. We could say that in the approach explored here the syntactic structure is a pure coercive mechanism; importantly, however, it does not work as an operation that intervenes to "solve conflicts", but only to create meaning.…”
Section: Aspect Theoretical Toolkitmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…Tenses are treated referentially and event verbs are treated as Davidsonian predicates (Davidson 1967;Parsons 1990). Adopting the insights of Galton (1984), Löbner (1988) and Herweg (1991), I will distinguish event predicates from state predicates as follows. State predicates are properties of times and event predicates are properties of events.…”
Section: The Basic Tense/aspect Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In (4a), the state radical She like-him combines with a frame adverbial (in a minute), which is logically compatible only with those predications which do not entail downward to subintervals, i.e., telic events (Herweg 1991). In (4b), the state radical He believe-every word combines with Progressive morphology.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%