Personality in a White-Indian-Negro Community

Johnson, Guy B.

doi:10.2307/2084322

Cited by 9 publications

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“…Even today the fieldworker who enters certain counties of North Carolina can still observe some aspects of the conditions noted earlier by Berry (1963) and Johnson (1939). However, in the period since these men wrote, the forces of social change which have affected the entire country have become particularly apparent among the Indians.…”

Section: Changing Timesmentioning

confidence: 93%

“…Some were apparently offered the choice of leaving town or submitting to prosecution if they persisted. Thus, to admit to being an Indian in Sampson County was tantamount t o claiming second-class citizenship.Even today the fieldworker who enters certain counties of North Carolina can still observe some aspects of the conditions noted earlier by Berry (1963) andJohnson (1939). However, in the period since these men wrote, the forces of social change which have affected the entire country have become particularly apparent among the Indians.…”

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confidence: 93%

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The Collective Identity of Marginal Peoples: The North Carolina Experience¹

Dane

Griessman

1972

American Anthropologist

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The conditions that make for the emergence and persistence o f collective identity are examined on the basis o f the history of two marginal groups in North Carolina. Whatever questions may exist about their origins or their racial composition, there can be no doubt about their own claim to be Indians.In the years following the Civil War and Reconstruction an enormous amount of energy has been expended in simply maintaining a recognized Indian status in the face of the ever-present possibility of being submerged into a general non-White community. The history of nearly a century of Indian life in various areas of North Carolina could be written almost entirely along the theme of an effort to promote and maintain ethnic 696 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST[ 7 4 , 1 9 7 2 identity. The struggle sometimes has been individual in character, sometimes collective. For some groups this effort now is being rewarded. The gains have not been consolidated in a uniform manner, but it is evident that for some of these populations the battle for recognition has been won. Efforts to attain separate status have a long history and have produced separate schools, churches, and differential access in commerce. Court tests and civil rights legislation have removed old barriers to free access in education, industry, and local trade. In the case of marginal peoples, however, it is ironic that the same acts which were designed to help minorities in general have come to be a threat to the continuity of certain specific groups.In the remainder of this paper we will discuss marginal peoples inhabiting two areas of North Carolina in terms of past and present factors that contribute to their collective identity. Apparently, prior to 1835, the Indians enjoyed a relatively favorable position in the social structure. "From the close of the Revolution to the year 1835 they exercised the elective franchise equally with white men, performed militia duties, established schools and built churches, owned slaves and lived in comfortable circumstances" (ButlerETC . HALIFAX COUNTY.-- 1916:23). However, in 1835 things began to change. In that year they lost their franchise and entered a period of social decline. Apparently, for most purposes, the Indians as a group were lumped together with free Blacks and Mulattoes in the pre-Civil War period; and presumably were viewed simply as Blacks in the period directly following the war. Then too, miscegenation did occur in some cases that brought with it a social "taint" t o the entire group.During this period of suppression, there seem t o have been three forces which operated t o hold the Indian groups together. Generally, these forces were educational, religious, and legal. From the purely physical standpoint, the legal forces were of the utmost importance. Laws promulgated in 1854 (Section 7, Chapter 68, of the Acts of the General Assembly of 1854) and 1887 (Section I, Chapter 254, of the Laws of 1887) forbade marriages between Croatan Indians (i.e., a former name of the Lumbee Indians) and either Blacks o r Wh...

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Section: Changing Timesmentioning

confidence: 93%

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confidence: 93%

The Collective Identity of Marginal Peoples: The North Carolina Experience¹

Dane

Griessman

1972

American Anthropologist

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“…Indians had been eliminated and if there were any remnant Indians they were part of the free mulatto communities interspersed in the South (Berry, 1963;Johnson, 1939;. As was the case with other Native American cultures, Lumbee culture was not fixed, but was constantly changing along with European contact variations.…”

Section: Moreover Because Of Indian Removal the Assumption By Whitesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Struggling for Voice in a Black and White World: The Lumbee Indians’ Segregated Educational Experience in North Carolina

Dial¹

2007

Transformations in Schooling

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Wilson. These strong and intelligent women have believed in me and my abilities and have served as my role models in academia. All throughout my studies and into my research, they freely offered me advice, support, encouragement, and professional development opportunities. Special thanks to Dr. Wilson who inspired my research and to Dr. Marshall, to whom I will be forever obligated because of the numerous opportunities given to put my skills into practice as an educator and as a researcher.

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“…In the 20th century, such groups as the Lumbee took just this approach, insisting that the essence of being Lumbee lies in behavior and culture not in the racial categories so important to nonLumbee. Yet there is evidence that Lumbee treat blacks in very different ways than they do whites (Blu, 2001;Johnson, 1939;Sider, 1993). Of course, taking the traditionalist position meant opening up Indigenous communities to both whites and blacks who wished to be adopted (and who the nation was willing to accept), much as things had been before Indians became race conscious.…”

Section: Unite and Separate: Indians Accept Racementioning

confidence: 99%

Orphans of the americas: Why the existence of zambo societies has been denied

Jones

2004

Journal of African American Studies

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Personality in a White-Indian-Negro Community

Cited by 9 publications

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The Collective Identity of Marginal Peoples: The North Carolina Experience¹

The Collective Identity of Marginal Peoples: The North Carolina Experience¹

Struggling for Voice in a Black and White World: The Lumbee Indians’ Segregated Educational Experience in North Carolina

Orphans of the americas: Why the existence of zambo societies has been denied

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Personality in a White-Indian-Negro Community

Cited by 9 publications

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The Collective Identity of Marginal Peoples: The North Carolina Experience1

The Collective Identity of Marginal Peoples: The North Carolina Experience1

Struggling for Voice in a Black and White World: The Lumbee Indians’ Segregated Educational Experience in North Carolina

Orphans of the americas: Why the existence of zambo societies has been denied

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The Collective Identity of Marginal Peoples: The North Carolina Experience¹

The Collective Identity of Marginal Peoples: The North Carolina Experience¹