2011
DOI: 10.1080/17549175.2011.633409
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Phone centres and the struggle for public space in Italy: between revanchist policies and practices of resistance

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Cited by 6 publications
(3 citation statements)
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“…These measures included digital fingerprinting of residents of nomad camps, which are inhabited by people of Roma and Sinti origin alongside East European migrants, who are considered potential criminals (Tessadri, 2008). They also involved regular checks on what are referred to as 'ethnic stores', such as kebab eateries and international phone centres (Semprebon, 2011). In 2016 the city council came forward in a national debate with a motion to ban kebab eateries in the historical centre 16 to safeguard the cultural and regional homogeneity of white European space (Merrill, 2014;Mazzei, 2018;Lamour, 2022).…”
Section: Everyday Boundary-drawing In the White Sanitized Spaces Of T...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These measures included digital fingerprinting of residents of nomad camps, which are inhabited by people of Roma and Sinti origin alongside East European migrants, who are considered potential criminals (Tessadri, 2008). They also involved regular checks on what are referred to as 'ethnic stores', such as kebab eateries and international phone centres (Semprebon, 2011). In 2016 the city council came forward in a national debate with a motion to ban kebab eateries in the historical centre 16 to safeguard the cultural and regional homogeneity of white European space (Merrill, 2014;Mazzei, 2018;Lamour, 2022).…”
Section: Everyday Boundary-drawing In the White Sanitized Spaces Of T...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Italian scholars, on their side, have given only passing reference to them, thus often implying their passivity as political actors. In fact, with the exception of Allasino et al (2000), Italian scholars have rather focused on other actors such as neighbourhood committees (Della Porta 2004;Belluati 2004;Petrillo 1995), police forces (Quassoli 2004), native residents (Bifulco 2000;Dines 2002;Alietti and Agustoni 2009), and policy makers (Allasino et al 2000), while somehow eluding contentious dynamics (Vitale 2007), as their British and American colleagues seem to have done (Semprebon 2011).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…58 culturale e religioso (Bombardieri, 2010;Lorenzetti, 2010); quelli che pongono particolare enfasi su una pretestuosa tutela della sicurezza urbana e dell'ordine pubblico e che si traducono in una deriva securitaria volta a colpire soprattutto gli immigrati (Mantovan e Ostanel, 2015); quelli che limitano la libertà di iniziativa economica degli immigrati (Magrassi, 2010;Semprebon, 2011) 1 . Per fare fronte a tale deriva, le popolazioni immigrate sono state protagoniste di diverse esperienze di auto-organizzazione (Basso e Perocco, 2003;Mantovan, 2007;Vitale, 2012) e lotta contro la discriminazione (Ambrosini, 2013c).…”
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