Running head: Temporal organization in lexical repairAcknowledgements: This work was supported by ESRC grant RES-061-25-0417 'Prosodic marking revisited: The phonetics of self-initiated self-repair in Dutch'. I would like to thank Paul Carter for his contribution to data selection, phonetic analysis and preliminary modelling; Mirjam Ernestus for her generous offers to provide frequency counts and recruit raters for the fill-in-the-gap task; and Christina Englert, Sanne Berends, Leen Plug, Gerard Berends, Anne van Hoek, Erik Verboom, Ilse Pit, Lisa Rommers, Nadia Klijn, Stef Piers, Thera Baayen, Marianne Plug and Ilona van der Linden for their participation in the rating exercises. I am also grateful to three Language and Speech reviewers for their constructive comments on three drafts of this article.
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AbstractThis paper presents a study of the temporal organization of lexical repair in spontaneous Dutch speech. It assesses the extent to which offset-to-repair duration and repair tempo can be predicted on the basis of offset timing, reparandum tempo and measures of the informativeness of the crucial lexical items in the repair. Specifically, we address the expectations that repairs that are initiated relatively early are produced relatively fast throughout, and that relatively highly informative repairs are produced relatively slowly. For informativeness, we implement measures based on repair semantics, lexical frequency counts and cloze probabilities. Our results highlight differences between factual and linguistic error repairs, which have not been consistently distinguished in previous studies, and provide some evidence to support the notion that repairs that are initiated relatively early are produced relatively fast. They confirm that lexical frequency counts are rough measures of contextual predictability at best, and reveal very few significant effects of our informativeness measures on the temporal organization of lexical self-repair. Moreover, while we can confirm that most repairs have a repair portion that is fast relative to its reparandum, this cannot be attributed to the relative informativeness of the two portions. Our findings inform the current debate on the division of labour between inner and overt speech monitoring, and suggest that while the influence of informativeness on speech production is extensive, it is not ubiquitous.3