Phonological Augmentation in Prominent Positions

Smith, Jennifer L.

doi:10.4324/9780203506394

Cited by 108 publications

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“…The ranking M Foreign ≫ *I /r/ ≫ M Yamato would get us the right outcome, as shown in the tableaux in (12) and (13):¹⁰ (12) M Foreign ≫ *I /r/: Initial /r/ is allowed for foreign items 9 A constraint against word-initial /r/ can be grounded on the possible articulatory difficulty of initiating a ballistic gesture for /r/ word-initially. See also Flack (2005) for various restrictions on word-initial liquids in other languages, and discussion of possible phonetic grounding (or lack thereof) (see also Steriade 2001 andSmith 2002 for related discussion). 10 For constrains that specifically operate on initial syllables, like *I /r/, see Smith (2002).…”

Section: Prohibition In Word-initial Positionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…See also Flack (2005) for various restrictions on word-initial liquids in other languages, and discussion of possible phonetic grounding (or lack thereof) (see also Steriade 2001 andSmith 2002 for related discussion). 10 For constrains that specifically operate on initial syllables, like *I /r/, see Smith (2002). This analysis assumes that deletion is the repair strategy to avoid word-initial /r/ in the Yamato phonology, but other repair strategies are of course possible.…”

Section: Prohibition In Word-initial Positionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Rather, in order to state the constraint, it is more natural to assume that /r/ has phonological contents, and a constraint prohibits those phonological contents word-initially. Based on an extensive cross-linguistic survey, Flack (2007Flack ( , 2009 Smith 2002). Given this observation, it would be unrealistic to assume that these kinds of elements all lack phonological structures: at least, I do not know of any proposal to treat [ŋ] as structurally empty.…”

Section: Prohibition In Word-initial Positionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Japanese /r/ is not feature-less: A rejoinder to Labrune (2014)

Kawahara

2015

Open Linguistics

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Labrune (2014) argues that Japanese /r/ is structurally empty. This reply points out that the phonological characteristics of /r/ which are discussed by Labrune (2014) come with many systematic exceptions, and hence they are better modeled by violable constraints. To illustrate how violable constraints accommodate such systematic exceptions, alternative analyses based on Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky, 2004) are presented. This reply also points out that the three constraints on /r/ that are discussed by Labrune (2014) are in fact not specific to /r/, and therefore, motivating structural emptiness based on these patterns would face a problem of not being able to distinguish /r/ from other segments. Based on these considerations, this reply concludes that /r/ (and other segments) in Japanese should have segmental contents.Keywords: phonology, Japanese, /r/ 1 Introduction Labrune (2014) argues that Japanese /r/ is "phonologically empty" (p. 1). Building on previous studies making use of the Underspefication Theory (e.g. Mester & Ito 1989), Labrune (2014) says that /r/ is "totally featureless at the abstract level" (p.14). This reply article reexamines some of the evidence that is discussed in Labrune (2014), and shows that the behavior of /r/ actually shows that it has features.¹ In particular, this paper argues that the phonological characteristics of /r/ which are discussed by Labrune (2014) come with many systematic exceptions, and hence should instead be modelled by using violable constraints. To provide explicit accounts of the behavior of /r/ using violable constraints, alternative analyses in terms of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky, 2004) are presented.² In addition, this reply also points out that the three constraints on /r/ that are discussed by Labrune (2014) are in fact not specific to /r/, and therefore, motivating structural emptiness based on these patterns would face a problem of not being able to distinguish /r/ from other segments. Based on these considerations, *Corresponding Author: Shigeto Kawahara: Keio University, Tokyo, Japan; Email: kawahara.research@gmail.com 1 Although some pieces of evidence in Labrune (2014) come from patterns of Old Japanese and historical developments of /r/, Labrune (2014) makes it explicit that the same argument holds for Modern Japanese-that Japanese /r/ is synchronically structurally empty (p.2). The current reply is exclusively about the synchronic phonology of Modern Japanese, and has nothing to say about the diachronic nature of /r/. Pellard (2014) develops an extensive critique on the diachronic claims made by Labrune (2014); readers who are interested in diachronic claims of Labrune (2014) are referred to that work. 2 Despite the fact that Labrune (2014) argues that /r/ is phonologically empty, the same paper develops an Optimality Theoretic analysis to derive /r/ to break up vowel sequences (pp. 16-21). This analysis assumes that /r/ is featurally-specified, because it uses feature-agreement constraints, which would not be computable...

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Section: Prohibition In Word-initial Positionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Prohibition In Word-initial Positionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Prohibition In Word-initial Positionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Japanese /r/ is not feature-less: A rejoinder to Labrune (2014)

Kawahara

2015

Open Linguistics

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“…[ʔ]-insertion can be viewed as an augmentation of a strong position (Smith 2005). A possible interpretation in terms of laryngeal features that would subsume /h/-insertion would single out the natural class {ʔ, h} by the vocal chord settings [ + stiff, -slack] (Halle and Stevens 1971), adopting a feature alignment constraint similar to the one proposed by Davis and Cho (2003).…”

Section: Ha)(bili)('ter) 'Rehabilitate'mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The internally layered foot in Dutch protected from undergoing weakening processes and/or they can become the target of strengthening effects (e.g., Trubetzkoy 1969Trubetzkoy [1939; Steriade 1994;Byrd 1996;Beckman 1998;Casali 1998;Alber 2001;Smith 2005;Cabré and Prieto 2006;Becker et al 2012;Fougeron and Keating 1997;Keating et al 2003;Selkirk 2011). To capture the dual patterning of unstressed vowels in Dutch and, more specifically, the fact that in the semi-formal register not all unstressed vowels reduce (e.g., [ˌlokəmo'tif], rather than [ˌlokəmə'tif]), we propose that the positional constraint in (32) …”

Section: (32) Initialfoot-ident[feature] (Abbr Initialft-ident[f])mentioning

confidence: 99%

The internally layered foot in Dutch

Kager

Martínez-Paricio

2017

Linguistics

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Recent metrical studies have proposed that, under certain circumstances, a weak syllable may be adjoined to a binary foot, giving rise to a minimally recursive foot. Adding to a growing body of research from metrical stress and foot-conditioned phenomena in various languages, the goals of this paper are twofold. First, we aim at providing empirical evidence for internally layered feet based on the distribution of three foot-conditioned processes of Dutch: vowel reduction, glottal stop /ʔ/ insertion and /h/ licensing/deletion. Second, we explore a less studied theoretical and descriptive advantage of internally layered feet: their potential to predict phonological strength distinctions that go beyond the traditional weak vs. strong dichotomy. In support of this view, we will argue that all three above-mentioned foot-based processes of Dutch distinguish between two types of unstressed syllables. We will demonstrate that the metrical representation that best captures this dual patterning of unstressed syllables necessitates internally layered feet.

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Positional Faithfulness and Voicing Assimilation in Optimality Theory

Lombardi¹

2004

Optimality Theory in Phonology

188

187

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Phonological contrasts tend to be preserved or enhanced in perceptually salient or prosodically strong contexts (e.g., word-, foot-, syllable-initial position) and are often merged or lost elsewhere (Beckman, 1998;Lombardi, 1999;Steriade, 2001;Smith, 2002). One issue for the continuity hypothesis (Pinker, 1984) is whether children and adults treat these strength relations in the same way. This paper addresses this question by documenting what appears to be a prominence paradox: Fully developed languages preserve certain contrasts in one set of contexts, but children tend to acquire those contrasts first in the complementary set of contexts. This disparity is suggestive of a developmental shift in strength relations. Such a shift does, however, pose a typological challenge for Optimality Theory (e.g., Prince & Smolensky, 1993/2004) insofar as the constraints are presumed to be universal and thus the same for children and adults.

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Phonological Augmentation in Prominent Positions

Cited by 108 publications

References 0 publications

Japanese /r/ is not feature-less: A rejoinder to Labrune (2014)

Japanese /r/ is not feature-less: A rejoinder to Labrune (2014)

The internally layered foot in Dutch

Positional Faithfulness and Voicing Assimilation in Optimality Theory

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