Phonological movement in Classical Greek

Agbayani, Brian; Golston, Chris

doi:10.1353/lan.0.0186

Cited by 39 publications

(27 citation statements)

References 48 publications

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“…In this, Ukrainian scrambling is pretty much identical to scrambling in Russian (Henderer 2009), Ancient Greek (Agbayani & Golston 2010), and Latin (Agbayani & Golston 2016). Scrambling in Japanese is quite different and primarily syntactic in the narrow sense; even there, though, there is a substantial element of phonological movement that cannot be overlooked (Agbayani, Golston & Ishii 2015).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 92%

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Phonological Movement in Ukrainian

Teliga¹,

Agbayani²,

Golston

2016

AMP

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Extant accounts of scrambling in Ukrainian generally don’t extend past object- and other NP-related processes (Féry et al. 2007, Mykhaylyk 2010). Analysis of Slavic scrambling as XP movement (Corver 1992, Bošković 2005) runs into problems with split constituency, as does OT syntax (Gouskova 2001). Remnant movement (Sekerina 1997, Bašić 2004) runs afoul of Slavic data and theory too (Pereltsvaig 2008, Kariaeva 2009). Analyses that mix syntax with prosody (Antonyuk-Yudina & Mykhaylyk 2013; Mykhaylyk 2012) are more promising but also fail. Ukrainian scrambles only prosodic entities, ignores core principles of syntax, and respects core principles of phonology.The driving force behind the scrambling is not our focus here. It is generally assumed to be pragmatic in nature, based on things like topic, focus, and givenness (e.g., Féry et al. 2007). Fanselow & Lenertová have recently argued against this, however, and claim for most scrambling that ‘accentuation rather than informational status determines which categories can be fronted’ (2012:169); their findings support Chomsky’s (2008) view that information structure does not result in movement. We leave this to future research and focus here on which part of the grammar the movement takes place in. We propose that Ukrainian scrambling is phonological movement of exactly the sort found in Ancient Greek and Latin (Agbayani & Golston 2010, 2016), and similar to the more limited type found in Japanese (Agbayani, Golston & Ishii 2015) and Irish (Bennett, Elfner, & McCloskey 2016).

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 92%

“…We propose that her cases of split scrambling are generally phonologically scrambled prosodic words (ω), while her cases of XP-scrambling are scrambled phonological phrases (φ). Exactly parallel cases of ω-and φ-scrambling are found in Ancient Greek and Latin (Agbayani & Golston 2010.…”

Section: Scrambling Can Be Partial and Is Optionalmentioning

confidence: 88%

Phonological Movement in Ukrainian

Teliga¹,

Agbayani²,

Golston

2016

AMP

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“…The proposal, if correct, fits in with a growing body of work that relatedly seeks to provide accounts for certain word‐order patterns as well as the mechanisms that account for them (e.g., movement) in terms of the syntax–phonology interface rather than in syntactic terms alone. Specific works that have put forward proposals of this sort nonexhaustively include Zec & Inkeles ; Halpern ; Zubizarreta ; McCloskey ; Gutiérrez‐Bravo ; Vicente ; Göbbel ; Agbayani & Golston ; Elfner, , b; and Richards .…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Word Order and Prosodic‐Structure Constraints in Tagalog

Sabbagh

2013

Syntax

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This paper is concerned with two apparently unrelated word-order facts in Tagalog: In interrogative sentences, fronted wh-phrases follow the complementizer (Comp-WhP order), and in both interrogative and noninterrogative sentences, the subject follows the verb (verbinitial order). It is argued that neither of these word orders reflects a word order that is expected on the basis of the syntactic structure alone. Instead, a unified explanation for these word orders is proposed, according to which they arise as the result of a lowering operation that applies at Phonological Form (PF) and is prosodically driven. Specifically, lowering applies in order to satisfy a prosodic-structure constraint, Weak Start, which requires elements that are relatively high on the prosodic hierarchy to be preceded by elements that are equal to or lower than them on the prosodic hierarchy. The word orders discussed herein therefore involve a mismatch between syntax and phonology, and lowering provides a means by which syntactic principles as well as principles relating to prosodic-structure can be simultaneously upheld.

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“…40 For Devine and Stephens (2000), hyperbaton [displacement and discontinuous constituents; see the example in (i) below] means local syntactic movement from the complement to the specifier position of a head. By contrast, Agbayani and Golston (2010) With regard to the position of the verb in Classical Greek, the example in (21) shows ára as a non-2 nd -position element in Classical Greek. As seen above (section 3.3.2), this particle marks the border between the T and the C domain in Koiné Greek.…”

Section: Neutral Word Orders In Other Koiné Greek Textsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Word order and closest-conjunct agreement in the Greek Septuagint: On the position of a biblical translation in the diachrony of a syntactic correlation

Lavidas

2019

Questions and Answers in Linguistics

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Clauses can show closest-conjunct agreement, where the verb agrees only with one conjunct of a conjoined subject, and not with the full conjoined subject. The aim of this study is to examine the properties of word order and closest-conjunct agreement in the Greek Septuagint to distinguish which of them are due to the native syntax of Koiné Greek, possibly influenced by contact with Hebrew, and which of them are the result of a biblical translation effect. Both VSO and closest-conjunct agreement in the case of postverbal subjects have been considered characteristics of Biblical Hebrew. VSO becomes a neutral word order for Koiné Greek, and Koiné Greek exhibits examples of closest-conjunct agreement as well. The present study shows that VSO is the neutral word order for various types of texts of Koiné Greek (biblical and non-biblical, translations and non-translations) and that closest-conjunct agreement is also present with similar characteristics in pre-Koiné Greek. All relevant characteristics reflect a type of a syntactic change in Greek related to the properties of the T domain, and evidenced not only in translations or Biblical Greek. However, the frequencies of word orders are indeed affected by the source language, and indirect translation effects are evident in the Greek Septuagint.

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Phonological movement in Classical Greek

Cited by 39 publications

References 48 publications

Phonological Movement in Ukrainian

Phonological Movement in Ukrainian

Word Order and Prosodic‐Structure Constraints in Tagalog

Word order and closest-conjunct agreement in the Greek Septuagint: On the position of a biblical translation in the diachrony of a syntactic correlation

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