have analyzed the links between spanking and SE skills, reaching diverging conclusions. Most of the controversies stem from concerns about issues of selection bias in past studies (see Gershoff et al., 2018;Larzelere et al., 2018): does corporal punishment lead to SE difficulties, or do children's SE difficulties (e.g., aggression) elicit caregivers' spanking? And, is it indeed spanking that causes detrimental SE outcomes or other child, family, or ecological factors that relate to both spanking and child development? Beyond issues of causality, most investigations of spanking to date have focused on samples from the United States and other high-income countries (Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016;Heilmann et al., 2021), which is problematic as 90% of children live in low-and middle-income countries (LMICs; World Bank, 2020) and spanking could lead to different developmental outcomes across countries and cultures (Deater-Deckard & Dodge, 1997).Together, these limitations point to the need for strengthening understanding of the causal link between spanking and SE development, particularly in LMICs, to address ongoing controversies and, more importantly, to inform policy and practice. Even though the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC, 2006) and the Sustainable Development Goals-SDGs (United Nations, 2016) strongly recommend the eradication of all forms of corporal punishment (including spanking), only 62 countries have implemented legal bans on corporal punishment and about two out of three children living in LMICs are spanked and exposed to harsher forms of violence (Cuartas et al., 2019). Relying primarily on evidence from the United States to advocate for the global eradication of spanking is not particularly convincing nor appropriate, considering vast variation