Placeless and Historical Laryngeals in Yucatec Maya

Orie, Olanike Ola; Bricker, Victoria R.

doi:10.1086/466427

Cited by 33 publications

(15 citation statements)

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“…Barrett (, ) catalogs parallel cases of non‐alternating [#ʔ] in the K'ichean languages (see also Campbell ). Similar patterns have been documented for Mamean (England ) and Yucatecan languages (Blair , Straight , Orie & Bricker , Hofling ; in the Yucatecanist literature, non‐alternating initial glottal stops are called ‘firm’).…”

Section: Vowel Inventoriessupporting

confidence: 68%

“…Yucatec itself has a basic ten‐vowel system, but non‐phonemic [ə] is used as an epenthetic vowel to resolve otherwise illicit consonant clusters (e.g. ‘our tree’, Orie & Bricker , Bricker & Orie ).…”

Section: Vowel Inventoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The lexicalization of initial [ʔ] may depend on the frequency of [ʔ]∼[∅] alternations: if a particular root normally occurs in its isolation form, with an epenthetic glottal stop [#ʔ], learners may re‐analyze the initial glottal stop as being underlying instead. Among nouns, non‐alternating [#ʔ] should then be most common for roots which resist being possessed, such as Q'anjob'al asun [ʔasun] ‘cloud’ (Baquiax Barreno et al :92; see also Campbell , Smith‐Stark :131‐2, Larsen :103, Barrett :57‐8, Orie & Bricker , Kenstowicz ). It is unclear to me whether this expectation is actually borne out.…”

Section: Vowel Inventoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Most languages have either phonemic /h/ or phonemic /x/ (which may be uvular /χ/), but not both. In languages that have merged historical ∗/h/ and ∗/x/ the historical place difference may still be reflected in the synchronic morpho‐phonology; see Orie & Bricker () on Yucatec, Smith‐Stark (:131‐2,156) on Poqomam, and Anderson () for general discussion.…”

Section: Consonant Inventoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Mayan phonology

Bennett

2016

Language and Linguist. Compass

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Section: Vowel Inventoriessupporting

confidence: 68%

Section: Vowel Inventoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Vowel Inventoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Consonant Inventoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Mayan phonology

Bennett

2016

Language and Linguist. Compass

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“…However, certain aspects of this model are problematic on both theoretical and typological grounds. For this reason it might be beneficial to use HP(onset) in the analysis of [<] in languages such as Yucatec Maya (Orie & Bricker 2000), In4 apari (Parker 1999a) and English. In fact, the special occurrence of superficial velar contrasts only in codas is found in enough languages that Trigo (1988) proposes that Dorsal is the unmarked articulator feature there.…”

Section: Alternative Analyses Consideredmentioning

confidence: 99%

Non-optimal onsets in Chamicuro: an inventory maximised in coda position

Parker¹

2001

Phonology

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The widely attested onset\coda asymmetry involves a situation in which the inventory of phonemes in syllable-final position in a particular language is a subset of those which contrast in onsets. The inverse of this pattern has been claimed to never occur (Goldsmith 1990, Beckman 1998. However, this prediction is falsified by Chamicuro, a Peruvian language in which \h\ and \,\ are systematically restricted to coda position. Since no permutation of all known constraints can account for this unusual distribution, a new constraint is necessary. I propose that we invoke HP and subcategorise it for onsets. This positional markedness filter permits placeless (laryngeal) consonants to surface in codas, but blocks them in onsets. A beneficial side-effect of this analysis is that it preserves the onset\coda asymmetry while allowing \,\ and \h\ to be the only principled exceptions to it.

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Language Contact, Inherited Similarity and Social Difference

Law

2014

Current Issues in Linguistic Theory

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This book offers a study of long-term, intensive language contact between more than a dozen Mayan languages spoken in the lowlands of Guatemala, Southern Mexico and Belize. It details the massive restructuring of syntactic and semantic organization, the calquing of grammatical patterns, and the direct borrowing of inflectional morphology, including, in some of these languages, the direct borrowing of even entire morphological paradigms. The in-depth analysis of contact among the genetically related Lowland Mayan languages presented in this volume serves as a highly relevant case for theoretical, historical, contact, typological, socio- and anthropological linguistics. This linguistically complex situation involves serious engagement with issues of methods for distinguishing contact-induced similarity from inherited similarity, the role of social and ideological variables in conditioning the outcomes of language contact, cross-linguistic tendencies in language contact, as well as the effect that inherited similarity can have on the processes and outcomes of language contact.

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Placeless and Historical Laryngeals in Yucatec Maya

Cited by 33 publications

References 0 publications

Mayan phonology

Mayan phonology

Non-optimal onsets in Chamicuro: an inventory maximised in coda position

Language Contact, Inherited Similarity and Social Difference

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