Placing race in context

Rodríguez, Clara E.; Cordero-Guzmán, Héctor R.

doi:10.1080/01419870.1992.9993762

Cited by 83 publications

(60 citation statements)

References 5 publications

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“…A study on Puerto Rican women in New York found that skin color affected the racial identification of this population and that when asked about race, they chose Hispanic (Oropesa, Landale, & Greif, 2008). Another study found that Puerto Ricans reject U.S.-based racial categories when responding to race questions in the census and identify as other (C. E. Rodriguez & Cordero-Guzman, 1992).…”

Section: Skin Color Discrimination and Perceptions Of Racementioning

confidence: 99%

“…More specifically, due to being darker-skinned, many Latino/as are often labeled Black in the United States (C. E. Rodriguez, 2000) although many of them do not adhere to U.S.-based racial categories such as Black or White (Frank, Akresh, & Lu, 2010;Itzigsohn & Dore-Cabral, 2000; C. E. Rodriguez & Cordero-Guzman, 1992). Instead, Latino/as in general, including darkskinned Latino/as, identify as Latino/a or Hispanic or use racial categories from the Caribbean (e.g., indio, trigueño; Itzigsohn & Dore-Cabral, 2000).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Instead, Latino/as in general, including darkskinned Latino/as, identify as Latino/a or Hispanic or use racial categories from the Caribbean (e.g., indio, trigueño; Itzigsohn & Dore-Cabral, 2000). For example, it has been argued that Dominicans and other Latino/as use terms such as race, ethnicity, and nationality interchangeably, often rejecting the Black-White dichotomy that exists in the United States (Castillo & Murphy, 1987; C. E. Rodriguez & Cordero-Guzman, 1992). Hitlin, Brown, and Elder (2006) found that 51% of Latina/os are more likely to choose "other" when asked to identify their race or choose either Hispanic/Latino/a.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Understanding the Complexities of Skin Color, Perceptions of Race, and Discrimination Among Cubans, Dominicans, and Puerto Ricans

Araujo-Dawson

2015

Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences

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Caribbean Latino/a groups have a higher percentage of Black and Brown individuals who are often labeled Black in the United States. Unfortunately, little is known about how skin color affects the experiences of dark-skinned Latino/as. The present study is based on the Latino National Survey (LNS), which contains 8,634 completed interviews of self-identified Latino/a residents of the United States including 335 Dominicans, 420 Cubans, and 822 Puerto Ricans. Results demonstrated that Latino/as high in acculturation, females, respondents with a high school degree or higher, and Dominicans were more likely to perceive Latino as a race. Second, White respondents were less likely to perceive Latino as a race. Last, perceived discrimination was associated with high acculturation, being male, a higher income, and perceptions of race and age. More specifically, younger and darker-skinned Latino/as perceived more discrimination than White and older Latino/as. Research and practice implications are discussed.

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Section: Skin Color Discrimination and Perceptions Of Racementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Understanding the Complexities of Skin Color, Perceptions of Race, and Discrimination Among Cubans, Dominicans, and Puerto Ricans

Araujo-Dawson

2015

Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences

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“…For instance, 9 in 10 Cubans, compared with 6 in 10 Puerto Ricans and 5 in 10 Mexicans chose the "White" category. A substantial minority of Mexican and Puerto Ricans (49 and 38%, respectively) rejected the Census Bureau's racial classification of "Black" and "White" and chose instead the "Latino" category (for similar results see Rodriguez, 1992Rodriguez, , 2000Rodriguez & Cordero-Guzman, 1992). It is interesting to note that very few Latinosonly 4% of Puerto Ricans and 3% of Cubans-self-identify as "Black."…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 92%

Neither Black nor White? An empirical test of the Latin Americanization thesis

Forman

Goar

Lewis³

2002

Race and Society

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Over the past four decades, demographic trends have provoked divergent perspectives concerning the future of race and ethnic relations in the United States. Despite the important implications of these differing interpretations of the future, social scientists have given them little empirical scrutiny. In this study, we systematically investigate one of these perspectives-Bonilla-Silva et al. [Research in Political Sociology 23 (2003) 111] Latin Americanization thesis. The Latin Americanization thesis posits that the United States is moving from a two-tier, White/non-White, racial stratification system toward a three-tier one that consists of the following categories: (1) White, (2) honorary White, and (3) collective Black. In this article, we empirically test one aspect of this thesis-the idea that members of the "White," "honorary White" and "collective Black" categories will express social attitudes that reflect their status position in the newly emergent three-tier racial stratification system. We use a large nationally representative sample of non-Hispanic Whites, non-Hispanic Blacks, Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans to assess this question. Our results lend qualified support to the Latin Americanization thesis. We conclude by considering the implications of these results for future research on contemporary racial dynamics.

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“…This discourse increasingly favors multiracial categories and a heightened sense of ethnic identity among Latinos outside the United Statesas evidenced in the terms criollo, mestizo, mulato, LatiNegra, Afro-Latino, and indígena. [27][28][29][30][31][32][33][34][35][36] Racial identification among Hispanics in the United States is also likely to be dependent on changes in racial hierarchies and the construction of race within the United States, [37][38][39] the characteristics of immigrant Hispanic populations (particularly age at entry into the United States), socioeconomic status in the country of origin, and the ability to "pass" or be accepted as White within the US racial context. 40,41 Finally, racial identification among Hispanics seems to be influenced by the process of cultural adaptation and life experience in the United States.…”

Section: Measurement Of a Dynamic Processmentioning

confidence: 99%

Criollo, mestizo, mulato, LatiNegro, indigena, white, or black? The US Hispanic/Latino population and multiple responses in the 2000 census

Amaro

Zambrana²

2000

Am J Public Health

101

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Current dialogues on changes in collecting race and ethnicity data have not considered the complexity of tabulating multiple race responses among Hispanics. Racial and ethnic identification--and its public reporting--among Hispanics/Latinos in the United States is embedded in dynamic social factors. Ignoring these factors leads to significant problems in interpreting data and understanding the relationship of race, ethnicity, and health among Hispanics/Latinos. In the flurry of activity to resolve challenges posed by multiple race responses, we must remember the larger issue that looms in the foreground--the lack of adequate estimates of mortality and health conditions affecting Hispanics/Latinos. The implications are deemed important because Hispanics/Latinos will become the largest minority group in the United States within the next decade.

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Placing race in context

Cited by 83 publications

References 5 publications

Understanding the Complexities of Skin Color, Perceptions of Race, and Discrimination Among Cubans, Dominicans, and Puerto Ricans

Understanding the Complexities of Skin Color, Perceptions of Race, and Discrimination Among Cubans, Dominicans, and Puerto Ricans

Neither Black nor White? An empirical test of the Latin Americanization thesis

Criollo, mestizo, mulato, LatiNegro, indigena, white, or black? The US Hispanic/Latino population and multiple responses in the 2000 census

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